due to the exalted character of our guest; and as proper in form and consistent with the law of nations it seems impossible to avoid the conclusion in its favor. On its merits it would naturally be adopted. And here I might stop.

But an appeal has been made against the resolution, on grounds which seem to me extraneous and irrelevant. It has been attempted to involve it with the critical question of intervention by our country in European affairs; and recent speeches in England and New York have been adduced to show that such intervention is sought by our guest. It is sufficient to say in reply to this suggestion, introduced by the Senator from Georgia [Mr. Berrien] with a skill which all might envy - and also by the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. Miller] that no such intervention is promised or implied by the resolution. It does not appear on the face of the resolution; it is not in any way suggested by the resolution, directly or indirectly. It can only be found in the imagination, the anxieties, or the fears of Senators! It is a mere ghost, and not a reality. As such we may dismiss it. But I feel strongly on this point, and desire to go further. Here, again, I shall be brief; for the occasion allows me to state conclusions only, and not arguments.

While thus warmly — with heart in my hand my joining in this tribute, I wish to be understood as in no respect encouraging any idea of belligerent intervention in European affairs. Such a system would have in it no element of just self-defence, and it would open phials of perplexities and ills which I trust our country will never be called to affront. But I incul

cate no frigid isolation. God forbid that we should erer close our ears to the cry of distress, or cease to swell with indignation at the steps of tyranny! In the wisdom of Washington we may find perpetual counsel. Like Washington, in his eloquent words to the Minister of the French Directory, I would offer sympathy and God-speed to all, in every land, who struggle for Human Rights; but, sternly as Washington on another occasion, against every pressure, against all popular appeals, against all solicitations, against all blandishments, I would uphold with steady hand the peaceful neutrality of the country. Could I now approach our mighty guest, I would say to him, with the respectful frankness of a friend, "Be content with the outgushing sympathy which you now SO marvellously inspire everywhere throughout this widespread land, and may it strengthen your soul! Trust in God, in the inspiration of your cause, and in the Great Future, pregnant with freedom for all mankind. But respect our ideas, as we respect yours. Do not seek to reverse our traditional, established policy of peace. Do not, under the too plausible sophism of upholding non-intervention, provoke American intervention on distant European soil. Leave us to tread where Washington points the way."

And yet, with these convictions, Mr. President, which I now most sincerely express, I trust the Senator from Georgia [Mr. Berrien] will pardon me when I say I cannot join in his proposed amendment; and for this specific reason. It attaches to an act of courtesy and welcome a condition which, however just as an independent proposition, is most ungracious in such connection. It is out of place, and everything

out of place is, to a certain extent, offensive. If adopted, it would impair, if not destroy, the value of our act. A generous hospitality will not make terms or conditions with a guest; and such hospitality, I trust, Congress will tender to Louis Kossuth.

JUSTICE TO THE LAND STATES AND POLICY OF

ROADS.

PEECHES IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES ON THE

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IOWA RAILROAD BILL, 27TH JAN., 17TH FEB., AND 16TH MARCH, 1852.

IN THE SENATE, January 27, 1852. The Senate having under consideration the special order, being the "bill granting the right of way, and making a grant of land to the State of Iowa, in aid of the construction of certain railroads in said State,"

MR. SUMNER said:

This bill is important by itself, inasmuch as it promises to secure the building of a railroad at large cost, for a long distance, through a country not thickly settled, in a remote corner of the land. It is more important still as a precedent for a series of similar appropriations in other States. In this discussion, then, we have before us, at the same time, the special interests of the State of Iowa, traversed by this projected road, and also the great question of the administration of the public lands.

I have no inclination to go into these matters at length, even if I were able; but entertaining no doubt as to the requirements of policy and of justice in the present case, and in all like cases, seeing my way clearly before me by lights that cannot deceive, I hope in a few words to exhibit these requirements and to

make this way manifest to others. And I am especially moved to do so by the tone of remarks often heard out of the Senate, and sometimes even here, begrudging these appropriations, and charging the particular States for which they are made with an undue absorption of the property of the Union. It is sometimes said - not in this body, I know that "the West is stealing the public lands; and the Senator from Virginia [Mr. Hunter], who expresses himself with a frankness and a moderation of manner worthy of regard, in discussing this very measure, distinctly said that "we are squandering away the public lands;" and he. complained that such appropriations were partial, "because very large amounts of land are distributed to those States in which they lie, while nothing is given to the old States." And the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Underwood], taking up this strain, has dwelt at great length, and in every variety of expression, on the alleged partiality of the distribution.

Now, I know full well that the States in which these lands lie need no defender like myself. But, as a Senator from one of the old States, I desire thus early to declare distinctly my dissent from these views, and the reasons for my dissent. Beyond a general concern, that the public lands, of which the Union is now the almoner, the custodian and proprietor, should be administered freely, generously, bountifully, in such wise as most to promote their settlement, and to build upon them towns, cities, and States, the nurseries of future empire beyond this concern which leads me to adopt gladly the proposition, in favor of actual settlers, brought forward by the Senator from Wisconsin