accomplish this required much time and labor. But, being once accomplished, nothing more was to be feared from inundations. On the 8th of June, General McClellan telegraphed to Washington:

"I shall be in perfect readiness to move forward and take Richmond the moment that McCall reaches here, and the ground will admit the pas sage of artillery." On the 10th and 11th of June, General McCall's troops commenced landing at the White House. Still ten days passed away without any action. On the 20th of June, General McClellan telegraphed the President:-

"A general engagement may take place at any time. After to-morrow we shall fight the rebel army as soon as Providence will permit. We shall await only a favorable condition of earth and sky, and the completion of some necessary preliminaries."

Five days after this there was a cautious movement made, in sending General Hooker's division about a mile in advance of Fair Oaks Station. General Hooker, who was ably sustained by Generals Grover and Sickles, encountered sharp opposition. The ground he was ordered to occupy he took, lost, and retook, at the sacrifice of about five hundred men in killed and wounded. But that very night General McClellan received the intelligence, that the indomitable "Stonewall" Jackson had returned from his raid through the Valley of the Shenandoah, and was encamped in force near Hanover Court-House, where the rebels were evidently concentrating to attack our lines of communication, and to cut them off by seizing the York River Railway in our rear. This was alarming intelligence. It seemed to put an end to the idea of any immediate advance upon Richmond, and General Hooker was the next morning recalled to his former position.

Just before this, General J. E. B. Stuart had undertaken and successfully executed an adventure, which was exceedingly humiliating to the pride of the Army of the Potomac. With a picked detachment of two regiments of infantry, twelve hundred horse, and two pieces of artillery, he moved from the extreme left of the rebel lines, and in rapid, stealthy, and noiseless march proceeded the first day as far as Hanover Court-House. Early the next morning he resumed his march, and, when about six miles back of Mechanicsville, encountered a small force of Union cavalry pickets, and drove them in hot pursuit back to White House, destroying their camp and taking several prisoners. He then pushed boldly on, along the railroad, to Tunstal's Station, sending the infantry back, and advancing

"All these labors were executed with admirable energy and intelligence. In this aspect the American soldier has no rival. Patient of fatigue, rich in resources, he is an excellent digger, an excellent woodman, a good carpenter, and even something of a civil engineer. Often, in the course of the campaign, we came upon a flour-mill or a saw-mill, turned sometimes by a waterwheel, sometimes by an engine, which the enemy, as he retired, had thrown out of order. You were sure to find immediately, in the first regiment that came up, men who could repair, refit, and set them going again for the service of the army. But nothing was so remarkable as to see a detail fall to work at making an abatis in the woods. It is impossible to give an idea of the celerity with which work of this kind was done. I remember to have seen a grove one hundred acres in extent, of ancestral oaks and other hard-wood trees, cut down in a single day, by a single battalion."-Prince de Joinville.

rapidly with the cavalry alone. When opposite Garlick's Landing, on the Pamunkey, he destroyed two schooners, many wagons, and captured a nuinber of prisoners. The conduct of his troops was barbarous. Teamsters were shot down in cold blood. Women and children were treated with the greatest inhumanity. The helpless contrabands who fell into their hands suffered very severely. It was beautiful summer weather, and the roads happened at that time to be very good. The farmers on the route were all secessionists, and aided, in every possible way, the rebels on their raid. The negroes only were in sympathy with the Union cause. they leaned upon the fences and saw the Union troops passing by, they could not restrain smiles of welcome and words of cheer.

As

In a conflict which took place between the Union dragoons and this rebel band, there was a singular duel between a strongly mounted Texan rebel and a patriot German trooper, quite in the style of the days of knight-errantry. The German dragoon, a veteran in the wars of Europe, scorning to fly with his companions, though before an overpowering force, sought out the Texan, who was a little separated from his comrades, and made a plunge at him. Both men were adroit swordsmen, and managed their horses with equal and admirable skill. They were so equally matched that the exciting combat was watched with great interest. The German dragoon, an old trooper, sat his horse as if he were a part of the animal, and wielded his sword with parry, cut, and longe, like flashing lightning. The Texan, on his fleet barb, wheeled rapidly round his opponent, now slashing, now warding, now struggling in vain to put in a home-thrust. At last the Texan struck the German's shoulder, and as the blood spirted from the gash, the Texans, looking on, raised a cheer. But, almost quicker than thought, with a back stroke, the German cut through the sleeve and flesh of the Texan's left arm, to the bone, and his blood, in turn, began to flow.

Bewildered for a moment by the blow, the rebel backed his horse, and then dashed forward again at his opponent, making a longe at his breast. The dragoon parried it with great dexterity, and brought down his keen blade upon his opponent's back, cutting another deep gash. The rebel wheeled his horse, and, in the most cowardly manner, but in accordance with the ideas of chivalry under which he had been educated, drew a pistol and shot the brave dragoon through the heart. Colonel Estvan, a Prussian officer in the service of the rebels, who witnessed this scene, but whose ideas of chivalry had been formed on a different standard from that adopted by his rebel confederates, thus gives vent to his indignant feelings :

"Much moved by his fate, I ordered a grave to receive the remains of the brave German trooper. We buried him in his regimentals, with his trusty sword on his breast, and his pistols by his side. This sad act having been performed, I sent for the Texan, and after reprimanding him severely for his cowardly conduct, I ordered him to seek service in some other corps, telling him that I could not think of allowing a fellow of his stamp to remain in my regiment. The Texan scowled at me with his cat-like eyes, and, muttering a curse, mounted his horse and rode away."

VUL. II.-Y

As the rebel marauders reached Tunstall's Station, on the railroad, they heard the whistle of an approaching train of cars. They instantly threw themselves into ambuscade, lining both sides of the track, hiding behind fences, rocks, stumps, and trees. It was a train of passenger-cars, filled mostly with civilians, laborers, and sick and wounded soldiers. As soon as the cars entered the cut where the rebels were in ambuscade, some of them sprang upon the track, and ordered the engineer to stop. Instead of this, he increased the speed, and threw himself for protection upon the fuel. A deadly fire was instantly poured in upon the train, which was soon out of sight, on its way to the White House.

The news of this unexpected assault, and of the rebels being on the railroad, thus cutting off our conmunications, and threatening, no one knew how great disasters, created the utmost consternation among the laborers and sutlers and small protecting force stationed at the White House. There was, however, a small body of Union cavalry there, which was immediately dispatched in pursuit of the rebels. The raiders, having inflicted what little damage they could upon the railroad, turned in the direction of the Chickahominy, which they crossed a little below Bottom's Bridge, and, striking the river turnpike, returned safely to Richmond, having ridden entirely around our army. In this raid the rebels wounded thirty Union men, killed four, and captured or destroyed three hundred thousand dollars' worth of property. Our lines of communication were now so extended, and the inhabitants of the district so hostile to the Union cause, as to offer peculiar facilities for these prowling bands.

CHAPTER IX.

THE SEVEN DAYS' BATTLE.

(From June 26th to July 2d, 1863.)

NECESSITY OF CHANGE OF BASE. THE APPROACH OF THE ENEMY.-BEAVER DAM CREEK.BATTLE OF GAINES'S MILL-INHUMANITY OF LEE AND JACKSON.-STRENGTH OF THE UNION ARMY.-SAVAGE'S STATION-WOES OF WAR-POWER OF MUSIC.-BATTLE AT WHITE OAK BRIDGE-REPULSE OF THE FOE-BATTLE OF MALVERN.-SCENE AFTER THE BATTLE. -CONTINUED RETREAT.-TESTIMONY OF KEARNEY.

DAYS of disaster were at hand. Our army was spread along the river and through the swamps, in a line over twenty miles in extent. Weary days of inaction passed. The rebels were busy strengthening their fortifications and hurrying up reënforcements. We were entangled by swamps and forests. The rebels, emerging from Richmond, could strike any one point and crush the force there, before efficient support could be sent through the morasses and jungles. In truth, we could, after this fatal delay, neither advance, retreat, nor remain where we were without peril.

The Chickahominy divided the army. Should we remove all the troops to the southern shore, our line of communication would be imperilled, and the vast stores on the Pamunkey destroyed. Should we leave a sufficient guard north of the river, we had not troops enough left to march upon Richmond, now strongly fortified and garrisoned. Should we attempt to remain as we were, astride of the river, the enemy would surely fall upon us and destroy us by piecemeal. Should we withdraw the troops which had crossed the stream, and concentrate all on the northern banks, it would be the abandonment of the siege of Richmond. Nothing would remain but a humiliating retreat to Fortress Monroe.

The only possible movement, which would not confess defeat, was to effect a change of base by crossing to the James River. This would require a march of about six miles for the left wing and twenty for the right. Our supplies could then ascend the James, guarded by gunboats. It was a perilous movement to make, in the presence of a powerful and exultant foe. Twenty-five days had elapsed since the conflict at Seven Pines. The rebels had matured their plan to crush our right wing, then our centre, then our left. The right wing consisted of the divisions of McCall, Morell, and Sykes.

At noon of the 26th of June, the approach of the enemy was perceived. The troops they were about to assail were posted on Beaver Dam Creek. Seymour's brigade held the left, Reynolds's the right. They were protected by rifle-pits and felled timber. At three o'clock the rebels made an impetuous charge. It was bravely resisted by General Reynolds, and the foe was

compelled to retire with severe loss. Soon they massed again for another charge. The onset fell upon General Seymour. He beat back the assailants with great slaughter.

The rebel Jackson's troops were now approaching in formidable force. During the night the Union troops, guided by General Porter, retired to a new line of defence. Seymour's brigade covered the movement, and in the darkness it was successfully accomplished. On the morning of the 27th of June General Porter's troops, closely followed in their retreat, occupied an arc of a circle. General Butterfield, of General Morell's division, held the extreme left. On his right came General Martindale, then General Griffin, then General Sykes. General McCall's division, which had borne the brunt of the first attack, was formed in a second line in the rear. A strong body of cavalry, consisting of the First and Fifth Regular, and the Sixth Pennsylvania, were posted behind a hill. Robertson's and Tidball's batteries were placed at commanding points.

About noon the enemy approached, and assaulted so impetuously and with such force, that General Porter was constrained to call for reënforcements. By three o'clock the whole of the second line and all the reserves were engaged with their utmost energies, in repelling the desperate assaults. Slocum's division was hurried forward, to strengthen the weak points. Sykes's men fought bravely. Our whole force on the field did not exceed thirty-five thousand. The rebels numbered seventy thousand. The Union loss, under the tremendous fire, was dreadful. Most of the men had been under arms two days, and were utterly exhausted by the fresh masses incessantly hurled upon them. At five o'clock General Porter's command was so severely pressed, that French's and Meagher's brigades were sent across the river to his support. The foe still made frantic endeavors to break through our line, but in vain. About seven o'clock they succeeded, with their overpowering numbers, in outflanking us on the left. A general retreat was then ordered to a hill in the rear, which commanded the bridge by which alone this valiant rear-guard could escape.

As this retreat was being conducted with some disorder, the brigades of French and Meagher appeared, sternly striding to the front, through all the débris of apparently a routed army. It was dusk. The enemy were held in check, while our men rallied behind their comrades who had so opportunely come to their aid. Our loss had been heavy. The enemy also had been punished with terrible slaughter. In the gloom of night our exhausted regiments, with scarcely a moment of leisure to eat or to sleep, crossed the bridge in safety, and destroyed it behind them. We lost twentytwo guns. The batteries of Diedrich, Kanahan, and Grimm, and the First Connecticut Artillery, rendered signal service on this bloody day. This battle is known by the name of "Gaines's Mill." Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, of the Eighty-third Pennsylvania Volunteers, says in his official report, in describing one of the most terrible crises of the battle :

"At this moment Brigadier-General Butterfield, amidst a galling fire from his lines of support in rear, and that of the enemy in front, came coolly down the knoll, and, sword in hand, seized our colors, waved them repeatedly aloft, and by all mortal means encouraged the valor of our regi