-Advance of the Left Wing-Excitement in Georgia-Advance of the Right Wing-Reaches the Ogeechee- Reduction of Fort McAllister-Investment of Savannah-Its Evacuation-Further Proceedings, doah-Sudden Attack of the Enemy-Their Repulse and Pursuit-Guerrillas-Movements of Gen. Price in Mis- souri-Investment of Nashville by Gen. Hood-Battles-Retreat of Hood and pursuit by Gen. Thomas-Expe- ations of the North Atlantic Squadron-Blockade-Action with the Albemarle-Her Destruction-Operations in James River-Attack on Fort Fisher-Repulse-Correspondence-Attack Renewed-Capture of the Fort-West Movement of the Enemy on the James River-Another Battle at Hatcher's Run-March of Gen. Sherman Gen. Schofield to North Carolina-Capture of Wilmington-Advance of Gen. Sherman to Cheraw-Battle at Averysboro-Battle at Bentonville-Arrival at Goldsboro-Results of Sherman's March, pation of Richmond by Gen. Weitzel-Retreat of Gen. Lee's Army-Pursuit by Gen. Sheridan-Surrender of proposes a Conference-The Conference and Terms agreed upon-Rejected at Washington-Surrender of Gen. Johnston's Army-March of Gen. Wilson in North Alabama-Capture of Mobile-Surrender of Gen. Taylor's Army-Surrender of Gen. E. Kirby Smith-Disbandment of the Armies-Farewell of Gen. Sherman-Farewell MILITARY AND NAVAL HISTORY OF THE REBELLION. INTRODUCTION. The territories were then without any distinct civil organization, and as such furnished no soldiers. Their recruits were doubtless included among those of the adjoining States. The battles of this war, together with the place and commander of each, and the losses, were as follows: Where fought Lexington... THE recent war in the United States broke out under circumstances so unusual, and displayed such a grandeur of military scenes, such perfection in implements of destruction, and such vastness of operations, as to deserve some preliminary notice. Within less than the limits of a century is comprised the existence of the nation. During that period, its previous great war had been known among the people as that of the Revolution. On its scenes their minds have ever loved to dwell; its conflicts have been unceasingly rehearsed as illustrations of American bravery and fortitude; and the few lingering survivors have been cheered by a ven- Brandy wine eration due only to a superior class of men. The population of the country at the time of that war is unknown, no census having been taken until 1790. But the number of soldiers furnished by each State, and the population at the first census, were about as follows: American commanders Bunker Hill... Warren.. Flatbush.. Putnam British commanders and loss. 9 Rahl White Plains.. Washington..... 300 Howe.. *Saratoga...... Gates.. Stony Point.... Wayne Camden ..... 84 458 Howe........ .2,000 Howe.. 245 ..1,054 400 800 .1,000 400 600 500 850 Burgoyne.. 600 230 Clinton.. 400 by Pennsylvania is set down at 22,678; but to Massachusetts there is set down 67,507, although the population of the two States was then about the same in numbers. In one sense this is correct. Pennsylvania did furnish but 25,000 recruits, while Massachusetts sent 67,000. But there was this difference between the recruits: those from Pennsylvania were mostly enlisted for three years, or for the war; while those of Massachusetts generally entered the army for nine months. Thus, the Pennsylvania line was renewed only once every three years, while, during this interval, the Massachusetts line was renewed four times, or once every nine months. In this manner the latter nominally furnished four men, while the former furnished one, and this while having only the same number in the field. * 5,752 British prisoners taken. On the sea there was no organized navy. A few ships, as national vessels, had a brief, though bold and destructive career. Perhaps it may be interesting to add, that the amount of currency, known as "Continental money," issued, was as follows: Amount issued in 1775.. 66 66 in 1777.. .... $2,000,000 Total amount issued to July, 1779.......... 358,000,000 crossing a desert previous to the action. The march from Puebla to the city of Mexico was made by Gen. Scott, with a force, consisting of 10,738 men, rank and file. He fought the battles of Contreras, Churubusco, &c., August 20th, 1847, with 8,497 men. At Molina del Rey there were only three brigades, with some cavalry and artillery, making in all 3,251. The operating force in the battles of The whole expenses of the war, estimated in Sept. 12 and 13, was 7,180 men, and the city specie, amounted to $135,193,703. In the next war, known as that of 1812, between the same combatants, General Brown crossed the Niagara River for the invasion of Canada with about 3,500 men. Three weeks afterwards, on July 25th, 1814, the battle of Lundy's Lane was fought between 3,000 Americans and 4,500 British troops. The loss of the former was 753 in killed and wounded, and that of the latter 878. The most celebrated battle of this war was that fought at New Orleans. The entire force of the British army landed above the mouths of the Mississippi for the capture of that city, was 12,000 men. On January 1st, 1815, an artillery duel took place, in which the British had thirty heavy guns behind a breastwork of hogsheads of sugar, which, it was supposed, would be as protective as sand-bags; and the Americans ten guns behind cotton bales. The sugar hogsheads were demolished, and the cotton bales set on fire. After a loss of seventy men, the British force drew off. The American loss was thirty-four. On January 8th the decisive battle was fought. The British advanced with 10,000 men against 6,000 under Gen. Jackson, of whom 3,500 were defended by breastworks. The British were repulsed with a loss of more than 2,000 men, while that of the Americans was but 27 in killed and wounded. In this war the United States had an organized navy of comparatively small wooden ships, the exploits of which were very brilliant and successful. Peace now existed for thirty years, when the war with Mexico took place. On May 8th, 1846, Gen. Taylor, marching with 2,288 men from Point Isabel to Fort Brown, opposite Matamoras, on the Rio Grande, was attacked at Palo Alto by a Mexican force estimated at 6,000 men. The most celebrated battle in northern Mexico, that of Buena Vista, was fought by Gen. Taylor with about 6,000 men against 14,000, partially exhausted by of Mexico was entered with less than 6,000. The opposing force in these battles is stated by Gen. Scott, "upon accumulated and unquestionable evidence," to have been not less than three and a half times greater in numbers thau his own. The total losses of Gen. Scott in all these battles, including killed, wounded, and missing, amounted to 2,703, of whom 383 were officers. The amount of the public debt on June 21st, 1848, after peace had been concluded, was $48,196,321; of which $31,868,762 had been incurred subsequent to July 1st, 1846. The first battle of the war was on May 8th, 1846. The Union consisted, in 1847, of thirty States, and by an estimate of the Government made at that time, the number of the militia of all the States was 1,821,093. A period of profound peace now ensued. The standing military force of the Government was reduced to the smallest number practicable, being, in 1860, about 16,000 men, most of whom were required on the Western frontier to preserve the peace with the Indians. Officers of the army, after the close of the Mexican war, resigned their commissions, and devoted their talents to the pursuits of private life. Inventors of implements of war found their ingenuity to be unappreciated, and their manufactures profitless. The national Military School at West Point was regarded by the mass of the people as an expensive and useless establishment, and motions to suspend or refuse appropriations for its support were often made in Congress. Militia service in the several States had become almost disreputable. If laws existed to promote an efficient organization, they were not enforced. Private establishments for the manufacture of arms had, with one or two exceptions, ceased to exist, and the Federal armories at Springfield and Harper's Ferry were inactive. Meanwhile the warnings of another and more terrible conflict, given by gathering clouds, were unheeded, except in Massachusetts, where Governor Banks secured the adoption of legislative measures for a reorganization of the militia of the State, and in South Carolina, where the authorities, in 1860, secretly procured a considerable importation of muskets, which were at an early period of in valuable service to the cause she had espoused. Thus unprepared, and amid the most overflowing prosperity which the pursuits of peace everyielded to an industrious people, the nation was alarmed by the sounds of an internal war that called every man to the field, and brought to pass the scenes described in the following pages. CHAPTER I. Secession Movements in South Carolina, Florida, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and Louisiana. THE Legislature of South Carolina assembled on the 4th of November, 1860, and having chosen the Presidential electors, adjourned. The election for President was held on the 6th of November, 1860. On that day the vote of the State was given by the electors to John C. Breckinridge for President. On the next day the Legislature again assembled, and the subject of withdrawal from the United States was taken up, and an act passed calling a State Convention to meet at Columbia on the 17th of December. Other measures were then introduced and adopted, the object of which was to place the State in a suitable position to meet the crisis about to be inaugurated. On the 10th of December Francis W. Pickens was chosen Governor by the Legislature. He was inaugurated immediately after his election, and improved the occasion to declare the cause of the movement on the part of South Carolina to separate from the Union. In his view it was as follows: For seventy-three years this State has been connected by a Federal compact with co-States, under a bond of union for great national objects common to all. In recent years there has been a powerful party, organized upon principles of ambition and fanaticism, whose undisguised purpose is to divert the Federal Government from external and turn its power upon the internal interests and domestic institutions of these States. They have thus combined a party exclusively in the Northern States, whose avowed objects not only endanger the peace, but the very existence of nearly one-half of the States of this Confederacy. And in the recent election for President and Vice-President of these States, they have carried the election upon principles that make it no longer safe for us to rely upon the powers of the Federal Government, or the guarantees of the Federal compact. This is the great overt act of the people in the Northern States at the ballot-box, in the exercise of their sovereign power at the polls, from which there is no higher appeal recognized under our system of Government in its ordinary and habitual operations. They thus propose to inaugurate a Chief Magistrate, at the head of the army and navy, with vast powers, not to preside over the common interests and desti nies of all the States alike, but upon issues of malig nant hostility and uncompromising war, to be waged upon the rights, the interests, and the peace of half the States of this Union. In the Southern States there are two entirely distinct and separate races, and one has been held in subjection to the other by peaceful inheritance from worthy and patriotic ancestors, and all who know the races well know that it is the only form of government that can preserve both, and administer the blessings of civililization with order and in harmony. Any thing tending to change and weaken the Government and the subordination between the races, not only endangers the peace, but the very existence of our society itself. We have for years warned the Norththeir wanton and lawless course. We have often apern people of the dangers they were producing by pealed to our sister States of the South to act with us in concert upon some firm and moderate system by which we might be able to save the Federal Constitution, and yet feel safe under the general compact of Union; but we could obtain no fair warning from the North, nor could we see any concerted plan proposed by any of our co-States of the South calculated to make us feel safe and secure. Under all these circumstances we now have no al ternative left but to interpose our sovereign power as an independent State to protect the rights and ancient privileges of the people of South Carolina. This State was one of the original parties to the Federal compact of union. We agreed to it, as a State, under peculiar circumstances, when we were surrounded with great external pressure, for purposes of national protection, and to advance the interests and general welfare of all the States equally and alike. And when it ceases to do this, it is no longer a perpetual Union. It would be an absurdity to suppose it was a perpetual Union for our ruin. After a few days the Legislature took a recess until the 17th of December, the day on which the State Convention was to assemble. Preparations for the Convention were commenced immediately after the bill was passed by the Legislature. nominated. All were in favor of secession, and Candidates for membership were the only important distinction to be seen among them consisted in the personal character of individuals. Those who were known to be men of moderate and conservative views were generally successful over individuals of a radical and ultra stamp. The Convention assembled in the Baptist church at Columbia, the capital of the State, at noon, on the 17th of December. Unlike the conventions of the other States, its sessions were at first held with open doors, and its proceed ings published to the country. When the Con vention was called to order, David F. Jamison was requested to act as president pro tem. The names were called, but an oath was not administered to the delegates. For president of the Convention, on the fourth ballot, David F. Jamison received 118 votes, J. L. Orr 30, and James Chesnut, jr., 3. Mr. Jamison was elected. A motion was next made that the Convention adjourn, to meet in Charleston on the afternoon of the next day, owing to the prevalence of small-pox in Columbia. This motion was opposed by W. Porcher Miles, who said: "We would be sneered at. It would be asked on all sides, Is this the chivalry of South Carolina? They are prepared to face the world, but they run away from the small-pox. Sir, if every day my prospects of life were diminished by my being here, and if I felt the certain conviction that I must take this disease, I would do so, and die, if necessary. I am just from Washington, where I have been in constant, close, continual conference with our friends. Their unanimous, urgent request to us is, not to delay at all. The last thing urged on me, by our friends from Georgia, Mississippi, Florida, North Carolina, Alabama, Texas, and Louisiana, and every State that is with us in this great movement, was, take out South Carolina the instant you can. Now, sir, when the news reaches Washington that we met here, that a panic arose about a few cases of small-pox in the city, and that we forthwith scampered off to Charleston, the effect would be a little ludicrous, if I might be excused for that expression." The motion was adopted, and the Convention assembled on the next day at Charleston. The following committee was then appointed to draft an ordinance of secession: Messrs. Inglis, Rhett, sen., Chesnut, Orr, Maxcy Gregg, B. F. Dunkin, and Hutson, and another committee, as follows, to prepare an address to the people of the Southern States, viz.: Messrs. Rhett, sen., Calhoun, Finley, J. D. Wilson, W. F. De Saussure, Cheves, and Carn. The following committees were also appointed, each to consist of thirteen members: A Committee on Relations with the Slaveholding States of North America; a Committee on Foreign Relations; a Committee on Commercial Relations and Postal Arrangements; and a Committee on the Constitution of the State. On the same day Mr. Magrath, of Charleston, offered the following resolution: Resolved, That so much of the Message of the President of the United States as relates to what he designates "the property of the United States in South Carolina," be referred to a committee of thirteen, to report of what such property consists, how acquired, and whether the purpose for which it was so acquired can be enjoyed by the United States after the State of South Carolina shall have seceded, consistently with the dignity and safety of the State. And that said committee further report the value of the property of the United States not in South Carolina; and the value of the share thereof to which South Carolina would be entitled upon an equitable division thereof among the United States. Upon offering the resolution, he said: "As I understand the Message of the Presi dent of the United States, he affirms it as his right and constituted duty and high obligation to protect the property of the United States within the limits of South Carolina, and to enforce the laws of the Union within the limits of South Carolina. He says he has no constitutional power to coerce South Carolina, while, at the same time, he denies to her the right of secession. It may be, and I apprehend it will be, Mr. President, that the attempt to coerce South Carolina will be made under the pretence of protecting the property of the United States within the limits of South Carolina. I am disposed, therefore, at the very threshold, to test the accuracy of this logic, and test the conclusions of the President of the United States. There never has been a day-no, not one hour-in which the right of property within the limits of South Carolina, whether it belongs to individuals, corporations, political community, or nation, has not been as safe under the Constitution and laws of South Carolina as when that right is claimed by one of our own citizens; and if there be property of the United States within the limits of South Carolina, that property, consistently with the dignity and honor of the State, can, after the secession of South Carolina, receive only that protection which it received before." Mr. Miles, who had just returned from Washington, stated the position of affairs to be as follows: "I will confine myself simply to the matter of the forts in the harbor of Charleston, and I will state what I conceive to be the real condition of things. I have not the remotest idea that the President of the United States will send any reenforcement whatsoever into these forts. I desire no concealment-there should be no concealment-but perfect frankness. I will state here that I, with some of my colleagues, in a conversation with the President of the United States, and subsequently in a written communication, to which our names were signed, after speaking of the great excitement about the forts, said thus to him: Mr. President, it is our solemn conviction that, if you attempt to send a solitary soldier to these forts, the instant the intelligence reaches our people, (and we shall take care that it does reach them, for we have sources of information in Washington, so that no orders for troops can be issued without our getting information,) these forts will be forcibly and immediately stormed. "We all assured him that, if an attempt was made to transport reenforcements, our people would take these forts, and that we would go home and help them to do it; for it would be suicidal folly for us to allow the forts to be manned. And we further said to him that a bloody result would follow the sending of troops to those forts, and that we did not believe that the authorities of South Carolina would do any thing prior to the meeting of this convention, and that we hoped and believed that nothing would be done after this body met until we had demanded of the General Govern |