POETRY. Go and Come, 2. The Snake in the Glass, 19. Lines by our Corporal, 32. SHORT ARTICLES.-Papers of Lord Clarendon, 19. Green Paper in Bedrooms, 22. Illinois, 22. Diplomatic Correspondence to the Death of George II., 22. Old Scotch Missal, 22. Deceased Wife's Sister, 31. Veracity of George IV., 31. London Corre- spondent, 31. Removal of Dr. Jenner's Statue, 43. Mr. Leutze's Picture, 43. The Use of Moulds and Ferments, 46. Men Kissing each other in the Streets, 54. Dwell- ing near the Rose, 54. The Laugh of a Child, 54. Italian Proverbs, 57. The Ass and the Ladder, 64. Sir Francis Page, 64. Paper Money at Leyden, 64. GO AND COME. "Go, THOU sayest to us, And work while it is called to-day; the sun Is high in heaven, the harvest but begun ; Can hands oft raised in prayer, can hearts that know The beat of Mine through love and pain be slow To soothe and strengthen?" still Thou sayest, "Go; Lift up your eyes and see where now the Line With care and grief acquainted long, unknown For here I gather in my goodly sheaves;" As honey; yet this roll that now press Of solemn trumpet, walk this city round, Then shall ye see the Towers roll down, the Wall Built up with blood and tears and tortures fall, And from the Living Grave the living Dead Will rise, as from their sleep, disquieted; O Earth, this Baptism of thine is slow! Not dews from morning's womb, not gentle rains That drop all night can wash away thy stains. The fire must fall from Heaven; the blood must flow All round the Altar; "-still Thou sayest, "Go." And that Thou savest "Go," Our hearts are glad : for he is still Thy friend Oh, send by whom Thou wilt, for they are blest adored Brake forth in fire; we said, "It is the Lord." We said to Thee," Abide And moonless skies bend o'er us as we row. And mansions many, never from Thy side -Good Words. D*** The following article published so long ago as October, in the London Review, a work under Methodist control, is remarkable for its appreciation of the character of the American Government and the rebellion. It is animated by the most friendy feeling, though somewhat chafed by misunderstanding of our sympathies, concerning the war in the Crimea, and by an erroneous notion that Americans suppose that England has kept the peace from fear of American arms. Perhaps there may be some truth in its opinion that politicians on this side have thought (in democratic times) to make capital by talking against England. Some of the opening paragraphs will be read with interest, in the light of the President's late message in favor of Compensated Emancipation. The Uprising of a Great People: or, The United States in 1861. By Count Agenor De Gasparin. "How is slavery to come to its end?" has been the ever-recurring question with all who have of late years discussed the position of America, either with a friendly or a philosophic interest. Those who wished that country ill might be contented that its plague should not be abated, much less cured; but all who cared either for the United States, or for mankind, longed to see the day which should throw some light on the great problem in which the happiness of so many human beings and the honor of considerable portions of Christ's Church were involved. "When is the end to be?" asked many a slave in his bonds; and perhaps as intently, yet not so bitterly, many a good man who never felt the lash except upon his sympathies. Among the many conjectures as to how its end was to come, it scarcely ever entered the head of any one to foretell that it would be by the act of the slaveholders precipitating themselves selfishly into a war, wherein, come out as they may, the one only inheritance for which they began, and for which they wage it, will be hopelessly damaged, if not forever swept away. It was only a power higher than that of man which could make their own mad pride the means of their captives' liberation; and many will think that we speak far too soon, and prophesy far too boldly, when we declare that we regard every step of the Southern States in their rebellion as an advance toward the ruin of the cause for which they flew to arms. But it is better to be thought rash, than to keep down strong convictions. We may be wrong; but, if so, we are content that the error It seems scarcely within possibility that any other means than a war begun by the slaveholders could have brought the system to an end in any moderate time. The one rational and practical course seemed beyond all hope. Even the best Americans looked upon an Englishman as conveying taunt rather than friendly advice, as showing his British pride rather than as seriously seeking the welfare of America, when he spoke of a national ransom for the slaves of the Southern States, as in the case of the West Indies. This idea his American friend brushed aside with little concern, and no investigation. He looked on it as simply impossible; and in doing so he had hosts of reasons, feasible, sober reasons, to keep him in countenance. The sum would be far too enormous for any nation to bear, and such as would make England's boasted twenty millions a bagatelle. Very true; but how much less will be the sum spent on the war, and lost by it? Goodness is often costly today, but gainful to-morrow; and never would nation have done such a money-saving act as America, had it taxed itself heavily, and said to the slaves "Be free." But, the American always told you, that even if the North were willing to buy every slave by a national ransom, the South would spurn the offer, as a miserable, anti-chivalrous, Yankee way of dealing with a great institution. So the South said; but Americans did not mind offering to buy when they really wished to do so, even if the feelings of the holders were liable to be hurt. Spain made no secret that overtures for purchasing Cuba were insults; yet Americans could freely and openly discuss them. Had the South ever seen the fair chance for getting its money for its negroes, and being rid of the blessings and curses of slavery on good terms, it would have had some effect on the views taken of the relative proportions of blessing and curse in that system; and many, though not all, perhaps not a majority, would have thought that a fair compensation in hand, and a final quittance of contingencies, would be, if not a chivalrous, a very comfortable, termination of slaveholding. But the South never had a serious propo sal to ransom the slaves before it; the North that the interests of the two sections of counnever rose to the height of such a design, try were so identified that the South itself and even to the last showed not the faintest firmly believed, and never made a secret of symptom of doing so. A quarter of a cen- its persuasion, that the North was entirely tury was given from the time that the exam-dependent upon it for its prosperity; while, ple of a nation disentangling itself from on the other hand, the merchants, bankers, slavery by an act of redemption had been and shippers of the North, and, still more, set; and that period was full charged with its ambitious politicians, ostentatiously acproofs of the dangers which the system en- knowledged the value of their connection tailed. It had come to be manifest that no with the South. This sense of identical inpublic question in America was unaffected terests is the strongest antidote to incomby this cardinal one. It was a question of patibility; and nothing but a cause of differproperty, and therefore calculated to rouse ence which wounded feelings deeper even the most passionate efforts of political men. than self-interest, could have brought into It turned elections, formed cabinets, shaped hostile camps two portions of a nation so foreign politics, decided the choice of offi- mutually helpful, and even necessary to each cials, from ambassadors and judges down to other's wealth and advancement. postmen; provoked war; raised up schools of buccaneering politicians, whose morals, learned in the slave-market, and edged by the rich profits of the plantations, made light of national rights, as of individual liberties, and held all means happy and worthy which aimed at the golden end of extending the fields for remunerative planting, and procuring the slaves to make them pay. A worse, a baser, a more sanguinary code than these men acknowledged, and acted upon, has never been current under settled governments, to say nothing of civilized or Christian countries. The danger of allowing a party dependent on such an illicit support as slavery to rule a nation, is so obvious that one cannot but stand stupefied at human folly, as displayed by the most boastful race existing, or that ever did exist. The slaveholders were a minority; yet during the quarter of a century which followed the practical appeal made to America by emancipation throughout the British Empire, they were permitted by the majority to hold the reins of power, and shape the course of foreign policy and domestic legislature; and to-day that majority is paying, grieving, and bleeding in consequence. All the interests of the North advised close union with the South, at any sacrifice of principle; and all the men of the North who were ruled by the sense of interest, made conciliation of the South their guiding object; for which pride, conscience, consistency, the posture of their nation before others, their own place among civilized men, the right of their churches to preach the gospel of universal brotherhood, of their press, to denounce tyranny, legalized or not, of their orators on any spot of American soil to speak sentiments of free men, of their religious and benevolent societies to display the true Christian abhorrence of organized and legal injustice,―al lthese sacred rights were by some bartered without a qualm, and by others painfully parted with, though conscience and wisdom whispered things hard to hear of days of reckoning. It is not so hard for us to understand how Americans could be so much under the influence of the slaving interest, when we consider how far both the mercantile and landed classes in our country have been so, within our own memory, and, alas! are so at this moment. Three thousand miles of sea always rolled between Liverpool and Jamaica, between Bristol and Barbadoes; Why did the majority permit it? Because not so between Philadelphia and Virginia, it was the interest of many to be friends with or between New York and Carolina. Putthe slaveholders; the desire of others to keep ting the whole of the population and wealth things quiet; and the habit of all to make of the West Indies together, what proporthe best of a national fault. The absurdity tion did they bear to those of the British of those who ascribe the rupture between Isles? Yet were not Liverpool and Bristol North and South to so vague a cause as zealous supporters of the West India inter"incompatibility" of temper is clear enough est ? and was not that interest ascendant on all grounds; but especially on this ground, among the landed gentry, omnipotent in the press, and victorious in Parliament, till, by to it. And American slavery has curses in slow degrees, the religious benevolence of a it unknown to the laws of any other nation, few roused the human sympathies of the civilized or uncivilized. Among the Turks, many; and the powerful West India inter- a man who begins life a slave, may end it a ests, contending to the last, was not annihi- potentate; a woman who bears a child to lated, but overborne by a tide of adverse her master, gains thereby her right to freefeeling? And if remote and small interests dom; and in the most savage parts of West like these could so affect our nation, how Africa, the slave may ransom himself, if he much more would the near, the momentous, can, or be ransomed by any friend. But the all-pervading interest of the Slave States many of the States of America, by law, foraffect the other parts of America! Every bid either education or redemption; a horgreat capitalist had his stake in the South, rible descent below all former depths of dark every tradesman his relatives, every editor doing, which in itself was sure to lead those and preacher his friends. The two parts of who had gone down so far into lower and the country were interlaced by every sort of inevitable gulfs. family, mercantile, and political sympathy. All this made it no less unwise in men out of the Slave States to trifle with the accursed system; but it made it more difficult for them to see how far even their own welfare, viewed by a stronger light than selfinterest can ever lend, was imperilled by its continued existence. The mass of men are unwilling to disturb the gains of to-day, by measures which only provide for its duties, though they may also provide safely for to morrow. It is folly to expect that a system which gives such criminal powers to bad men can be carried on without great and crying outrages. We do not believe that American slaveholders are worse than British would be under such laws. We know that many of them are humane, and careful of the poor creatures whose liberty lies dead at their feet; but even they are familiar with acts of wrong, the report of which scarce moves a muscle of their faces, though it would excite the indignation of any man living in a free country. Cases of fearful moral and physical abuse of slaves, male and female; cases of men selling their own children, or the children of their own fathers, or working them as slaves; are, we believe, far more common than many English authorities are disposed to admit. But whether on grounds of abstract injustice, or on those of individual wrongs, the feelings of good men in the North slowly but steadily rose against the system. Every expression of opinion against slavery was treated by the South as it must necessarily be treated. Men who are living by violence, whose position and wealth are secured by violence, must bitterly feel every word that would awaken their victims to the conscious But, in spite of all the ties which united men at the North to the interests of the slaveholders, and brought them into sympathy with their feelings, the voice of Christianity made itself heard in the breasts of many. It was doubtless gainful to have great planting States, in climates not friendly to whites, to buy the goods of the North; but it was wrong to keep millions of men in bondage. The nature of that bondage became more and more abominable. Law followed upon law, rendering the condition of the slave more helpless, and the criminality of the masters more conspicuous. It is rather the fashion among those who affect to know more of slavery than the crowd, to write as if its form in America were totally different from the pop-ness that they have friends. It is a fashion ular notion, and much less objectionable in working than we could suppose it to be. This is not the case. Its legal position in America is worse than in any Mohammedan or even pagan country in the world. True, the law forbids the master to kill his slave, but it also forbids the reception of any evidence against him but that of white men; thus putting slave murder easily within the power of any wretch who chooses to resort both in the North and in England to cast loud blame on the fanaticism of abolitionists, as the cause of the more violent and oppressive attitude of the slave-owners. With any abolitionism which proposed to gain its end by any but peaceful and legal means we profess no sympathy; but not all the wildness of the most ultra abolitionist, who would have over-ridden law, and throw peace to the winds, did half so much to con |