on the island and came into town. On the way we talked of the permanent residence. They all allowed that New York was not the place. One of them said it ought to be in Pennsylvania. I said little, but remarked that although we would be better accommodated in Philadelphia, I thought we should think of the permanent residence. New houses should be built for the members from each State, when they should not be degraded to the humiliating necessity of begging for lodgings from house to house. I, however, remarked coolly that Virginia affected acquiescence in this place, expecting the Pennsylvanians would be fretted into an acceptance of their measures for the Potomac; that the Potomac was convenient for a great part of Pennsylvania; that by our joining our votes to those of Virginia and Maryland and the more southerly States, we could go to the Potomac any time. One of them remarked, the numerous votes of Virginia would not avail. I did not get time to answer, for another replied that we had members on our side in the Senate also.

The Vice President's speech is now in the hands of every one, and is received with merited applause. A thought as to the composition of it. But first I will lay down my own rule for judging in cases of this kind. When every word conveys an idea, and sentiment follows expression, the composition is good. But where the words and expressions are so happily arranged that every corresponding idea and sentiment brings a kindred group in its train, the composition rises to excellent, grand, sublime.

Now for the sinking scale. When ideas follow slowly, with difficulty, or not at all, the composition may be termed heavy, dull, stupid. I will read it again, but I am inclined to place it under the heavy head.

Visit by Washington.

Next Thursday, I ought to note with some extraordinary mark. I had dressed, and was about to set out, when General Washington, the greatest man in the world, paid me a visit. I met him at the foot of the stairs. Mr. Wynkoop just came in. We asked him to take a seat. He excused himself, on account of the number of his visits. We accompanied him to the door. He made us complacent bows-one, before he mounted, and the other, as he went away, on horseback. I attended at the Hall; just nothing at all done. I, however, paid very formal visit to the Vice President. It began to rain, and I came home. I may as well minute a remark here as any where else; and, indeed, I wish it were otherwise-not for what we have, but for what others want. But we have really more republican plainness and sincere openness of behavior in Pennsylvania than in any other place I have ever been in. I was impressed with a dif

ferent opinion, until I have had full opportunity of observing the gentlemen of New England; and sorry am I to say it, but no people in the Union dwell more on trivial distinctions and matters of mere form. They really seem to show a readiness to stand on punctilio and ceremony. A little learning is a dangerous thing, ('tis said.) May not the same be said of breeding. It is certainly true, that people little used with company are more apt to take offense and are less easy than men much versant in public life. They are an unmixed people in New England, and used only to see neighbors, like themselves; and when once an error of behavior is crept in among them, there is small chance of its being cured; for should they go abroad, being early used to a ceremonious and reserved behavior, and believing that good manners consist entirely in punctilios, they only add a few more stiffened airs to their deportment, excluding good humor, affability of conversation, and accommodation of temper and sentiment, as qualities too vulgar for a gentleman. Mr. Strong gave us, this morning, a story which, with many others of a similar nature, which I have heard, places this in a clear point of light.

By the Constitution of Massachusetts, the Senate have a right of communicating bills to their Lower House. Some singular business made them shut their doors. At this time, called Samuel Adams, of the Senate, to communicate a bill. The Doorkeeper told him his orders. Back returned the enraged Senator. The whole Senate took flame, and blazed forth in furious memorial against the Lower House for breach of privilege. A violent contest ensued, and the whole State was convulsed with litigation.

April 29. Attended the Hall. This day a bill was read the second time, respecting the administering the oath for the support of the new Government. A diversity of opinion arose, whether the law should be extended so as to oblige the officers of the State Governments to take the oaths. The power of Congress to do this was asserted by some, and denied by others, in pointed terms. I did not enter into the merits on either side; but before the question was put, gave my opinion, that the first step towards doing good, was to was to be sure of doing no harm. Gentlemen had been very pointed for and against the power. If we divided here, what must we expect the people out of doors to be. That in the exercise of powers given us by Congress, we should deal in no uncertainties; that while we had the Constitution plainly before us, all was safe and certain; but if we took on us to deal in doubtful matters, we trod on hollow ground, and might be charged with an assumption of powers not delegated. I, therefore, on this ground, was against the

commitment. The bill, however, was committed, and with it closed the business of the day.

I have observed, ever since we began to do business, that a Jehulike spirit has prevailed with a number of gentlemen, and with none more than with the member from the ancient dominion, who is said to be a notorious anti-Federalist-a most expensive and enormous machine of a Federal judiciary-pompous titles, strong efforts after religious distinctions, coercive laws for taking the oaths, &c., &c. I have uniformly opposed, as far as I was able, everything of this kind, and, I believe, have sacrificed every chance of being popular, and every grain of influence in the Senate by so doing. But, be it so. I have the testimony of my own conscience, that I am right. High-handed measures are at no time justifiable; but now they are highly impolitic. Never will I consent to straining the Constitution; nor never will I consent to the exercise of a doubtful power. We come here the servants-not the lords-of our constituents. The new Government, instead of being a powerful machine, whose authority would support any measure, needs helps and props on all sides, and must be supported by the ablest names and the most .shining characters which we can select. The President's amiable deportment, however, smoothes and sweetens everything. Charles Thompson has, however, been ill-used by the Committee of Arrangements of the ceremonial. This is wrong. His name had been left out of the arrangement for to-morrow.

The journal of Mr. Maclay proceeds:

Thursday, 30th April. This is a great, important day. Goddess of Etiquette assist me while I describe it. The Senate stood adjourned to half after eleven o'clock. About ten, dressed in my best clothes. Went for Mr. Morris' lodgings; but met his son, who told me that his father would not be in town until Saturday. About ten, turned into the Hall. The crowd already great. The Senate met. The President (Mr. Adams) rose in the most solemn manner : GENTLEMEN: I wish for the direction of the Senate. The President will, I suppose, address the Congress. How shall I behave? How shall we receive it? Shall it be standing or sitting?

Here followed a considerable talk from him, which I could make nothing of. Mr. Lee began with the House of Commons, as is usual with him; then the House of Lords; then the King, and then back again. The result of his information was, that the Lords sat, and the Commons stood, on the delivery of the King's speech.

Mr. Izard got up and told how often he had been in the House of Parliament. He said a great deal of what he had seen there; made, however, this sagacious discovery, that the Commons stood because

they had no seats to sit, on being arrived at the House of Lords. It was discovered, after some time, that the King sat too, and had his robes and crown on.

The President got up again, and said he had been very often, indeed, at the Parliament on those occasions, but there always was such a crowd, and ladies along, he could not say how it was.

Mr. Carroll got up to declare that he thought it of no consequence how it was in Great Britain-they were no rule to us, &c. But all at once the Secretary, who had been out, whispered to the Chair that the Clerk from the Representatives was at the door with a communication. Gentlemen of the Senate, how shall he be received? A silly kind of resolution of the committee on that business had been laid on the table some days ago. The amount of it was, that each House should communicate to the other what and how they chose. It concluded, however, something in this way-that everything should be done with all the propriety that was proper. The question was, Shall this be adopted, that we may know how to receive the Clerk? It was objected; this will throw no light on the subject; it will leave you where you are.

Mr. Lee brought the House of Commons before us again. He reprobated the rule-declared that the Clerk should not come within the bar of the House; that the proper mode was for the Sergeantat-Arms, with the mace on his shoulder, to meet the Clerk at the door and receive his communication. We are not, however, provided for this ceremonious way of doing business, having neither mace nor Sergeant, nor masters in chancery, who carry down bills from the English Lords.

Mr. Izard got up and labored unintelligibly to show the great distinction between a communication and a delivery of a thing; but he was not minded.

Mr. Ellsworth showed plainly enough that if the Clerk was not permitted to deliver the communication, the Speaker might as well send it enclosed. Repeated accounts came that the Speaker and Representatives were at the door. Confusion ensued; the members left their seats. Mr. Reed rose and called the attention of the Senate to the neglect that had been shown to Mr. Thomson, late Secretary. Mr. Lee rose to answer him; but I could not hear one word he said. The Speaker was introduced, followed by the Representatives. Here we sat an hour and ten minutes before the President arrived. This delay was owing to Lee, Izard, and Dalton, who had stayed with us until the Speaker came in, instead of going to attend the President.

The President advanced betweeen the Senate and Represent

atives, bowing to each. He was placed in the chair by the President of the Senate; the Senate, with their President, on the right, the Speaker and Representatives on his left. The President of the Senate rose, and addressed a short sentence to him. The import of it was, that he should now take the oath of office as President. He seemed to have forgot half of what he was to say, for he made a dead pause and stood for some time to appearance in a vacant mood. He finished with a formal bow, and the President was conducted out of the middle window into the gallery, and the oath administered by the Chancellor.* Notice that the business was

done was communicated to the crowd, who gave three cheers, and repeated it on the President's bowing to them. As the company returned into the chamber, the President took the chair and the Senate and Representatives their seats. He rose and all arose, and he addressed them. (See the address.)

This great man was agitated and embarrassed more than ever he was by the leveled cannon or pointed musket. He trembled, and several times could scarce make out to read, though it must be supposed he had often read it before. He made a flourish with his right hand which left rather an ungainly impression. I sincerely, for my part, wished all set ceremony in the hands of the dancing masters, and that this first of men had read off his address in the plainest manner, without ever taking his eyes from the paper; for I felt hurt that he was not first in everything. He was dressed in deep brown, with metal buttons with an eagle on them, white stockings, a bag, and sword.†

* Congress sat in the city hall, called Federal Hall, situate on Wall street, opposite the head of Broad street. To gratify the public curiosity, an open gallery adjoining the Senate Chamber had been selected as the place where the ceremony should take place.-Presidents of the U. S., by Edwin Williams.

In the Pennsylvania Packet, under date of Tuesday, April 28, 1789, relative to the inauguration it is stated: In the evening was exhibited, under the direction of Col. Bauman, a very ingenious and splendid show of fireworks. The Count de Moustier's house was elegantly illuminated, and a variety of transparent paintings were exhibited. His Excellency Don Diego de Gardoqui's house also displayed a great assemblage of beautiful figures, executed in the most masterly and striking manner, and which attracted considerable attention from the vast multitude of citizens assembled to view the various scenes of the evening. The ceremony of this remarkable day completed the organization of the Federal body. Every honest man must feel a singular felicity in contemplating this day. Good government, the best of blessings, now commences under favorable auspices. We beg leave to congratulate our readers on the great event.

A writer in the same, under date of May 7, remarks that "the fire-works exhibited in the evening were truly brilliant, and the illuminations and transparent paintings of the French and Spanish ambassadors surpassed even conception itself."