ror's reply to my speech, and he was instructed by the minister of foreign affairs to say that the Emperor's leaving the reception room to go to the ladies, instead of waiting to receive them, was altogether an unusual proceeding, and was intended to be a marked compliment. Hence my making reference to the fact in this despatch, as the compliment was, of course, to our country, and paid with the view to its being appreciated and reported. I enclosed, marked No. 2, my speech, as originally prepared and placed in the hands of the minister of foreign affairs, in which I have quoted the portion actually spoken, while all the remainder was transmitted, as herein stated, as a special despatch on the 22d. It must be borne in mind by yourself and the President that I am here without any special instructions; and that in regard to the secession masters of vessels, as also in relation to what I deemed a rebuke of the treason of my predecessor, I have been left to act according to the best of my judgment, under the peculiar circumstances of my position. If my conduct meets your approval, I beg that you will so state, as the question may arise, whether, in what I have done, I have the sanction of my government. I have just opened despatches from our consul at Maranham, apprising me of the visit of the pirate Sumter to that port; his, the consul's, protest against her being permitted to coal, and the disregard of that protest by the governor of the province. He also advises me that he has transmitted to the Department of State a full report of everything relating to the Sumter's visit, and of his action in the premises. I shall to-morrow call the attention of this government to the great breach of neutrality of which the authorities at Maranham have been guilty, and I doubt not that by the next steamer I shall be able to make a satisfactory report upon the action of the Brazilian government in regard to the matter. Mr. Meade asked me, in London, for a letter of introduction to the President, assuring me that, although a southern man, he had faithfully discharged his whole duty to the Union. This turns out to have been a deliberate misrepresentation. While here as minister he was openly and offensively a secessionist and traitor, and did all in his power to bring the government of our country into disrepute; and hence the great necessity which existed that when I entered upon the discharge of my duties I should impress upon the consuls, the shipmasters, the public, and the government itself, that I represented a nationality willing and abundantly able to protect itself and to compel the respect of foreign powers. What has been done, whether right or wrong, has accomplished this purpose. The captain and officers of the steamer Tyne, in which Mr. Meade sailed to Southampton, and which brought me here on her return trip, informed me that on board that vessel Mr. Meade continually and in the most public manner denounced our government and justified the rebellion of the cotton States; and on several occasions he made proclamation that he and every true son of Virginia would sooner witness the return of that State to the colonial position it occupied before the revolution than consent to its ever going back into the American Union. And he unquestionably succeeded in impressing upon all parties here, where he was personally popular, a conviction of the weakness of the north, and the triumphant success of the "chivalric south." Robert G. Scott, our late consul, was an open-mouthed traitor and a loud talker. He said on different occasions, "Meade is the greatest traitor of the two, and if he ever gets back to Virginia it will be in consequence of his disguising himself." He said he dared not show himself in New York or any northern State; and finally left here with his wife, who is from Maine, in an English ship for Liverpool. My impression is that he has sailed for Quebec under a feigned name, and if at the north, he is doubtless somewhere in the vicinity of his wife's relations. It is fortunate for him that he is not here, as he would unquestionably find himself a passenger on board a coffee ship bound for New York, and under command of a loyal American shipmaster, as there would be no difficulty in sending the traitors home without coming in collision with the Brazilian authorities. Our consul reports that a very decidedly better feeling exists among all the Americans here, and that the oath of allegiance is cheerfully taken by nine-tenths of the shipmasters, while even those of rebel proclivities admit its justice, and, after making wry faces, take the oath sooner than be refused their papers. Some of them had sworn roundly that they never would take the oath prescribed; and it is a matter of great exultation and pride with the loyal masters to perceive how thoroughly the blusterers, who boasted of their secession propensities and their secession flags, have been humbled before the authority of the United States government exercised in the most quiet way possible. There will be no more exhibitions of disloyalty in the ports of Brazil; but I indulge the hope that our government will find it convenient to afford the necessary protection to our commerce on this coast. The extent of the Sumter's captures will not be known for some time, and I greatly fear that they will be much more numerous than has been anticipated. In connexion with Mr. Scott's treason, Captain Kelly, of the bark Lapwing, reports to our consul that on his last voyage home Scott intrusted him with certain letters, with instructions to burn them if, after his arrival at Baltimore, he found any difficulty in placing them in the hands of the persons to whom they were addressed. Upon reflection he (Captain Kelly) arrived at the conclusion that it was better not to attempt the delivery of them, and thereupon he destroyed them all at sea without breaking the seals. * * * I also send, marked No. 6, as I find recorded in the archives, notes of what occurred at Mr. Meade's audience of leave, on which I based my right to enlighten the Emperor in relation to the character of the rebellion in the United States, and our determination to avail ourselves of our right to suppress it after our own fashion, and without recognizing the right of other governments to interfere between us and our rebels. Your admirable despatch to our minister in Paris afforded me the necessary data to speak authoritatively upon the subject; and, in my judgment, it was of importance to hold the language I did, in order to get rid of the false impressions produced by my predecessor's treasonable conduct and conversation. Until I shall have thoroughly removed the idea that we are too weak to put down the rebels and re-establish the Union, it will be idle to expect that attention to the representations of our government which it may become my duty to make. Yesterday morning, the 22d, I sent to the foreign office the omitted part of my speech as originally prepared, accompanied by the following despatch, and I am assured by Senhor Rearpha that it will in due time-that is, immediately preceding the meeting of the general assembly-be published, as is the custom of the government: "LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, "The undersigned, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary from the United States of America, has the honor to enclose to his excellency Senhor Counsellor Benevenuto Augusto de Magalhaes Taques, minister and secretary of state for foreign affairs, that portion of his speech intended to have been delivered upon the presentation of his credentials from the President of the United States to his Imperial Highness the Emperor Don Pedro II, but which, at the suggestion of his excellency the minister, was omitted in his presentation audience, with the understanding that it should be transmitted to his excellency as a special despatch, and in due course be published according to the custom of the Brazilian government. "The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to convey to his excellency the assurances of his cordial respect and esteem, and of his most distinguished consideration. "J. WATSON WEBB. "His Excellency "Senhor Counsellor BENEVENUTO Augusto de MAGALHAES TAQUES, * I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. J. WATSON WEBB. No. 1. [CIRCULAR.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Rio de Janeiro, October 9, 1861. You are hereby instructed, from and after this date, to grant no clearances from this port to American vessels, unless the masters of said vessels first take and subscribe before you an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and to sustain those in authority in the enforcement of the laws. The refusal on the part of any master promptly and formally to renew his allegiance to the government of our country, at a time when its existence is threatened by a formidable and causeless rebellion, will be ample proof that such officer cannot safely be continued in the control of American property. 66 It has been repeated to the undersigned that in several instances shipmasters at this port, sailing under American papers, and claiming the protection of the American flag, have displayed in some part of their rigging the rebel flag of the so-called southern confederacy, and that when remonstrated with, they have claimed that inasmuch as they did not hoist the rebel flag at the peak, it was used by them only as a signal" flag, the right to use which could not be questioned. This miserable pretence for publicly insulting the nationality of the United States cannot be tolerated, and you are hereby instructed, from and after this date, to displace any master of an American vessel who may be guilty of thus offending, and to place his first officer or such other suitable person as you may select in charge of such vessel. The hoisting and displaying a secession or rebel flag on board an American vessel is to be considered as a declaration that the property over which it floats is in the possession of a rebel-virtually captured or stolen by one who proclaims allegiance to the so-called southern confederacy; and your dispossessing the master of the command of such vessel must be viewed as a recapture of American property from the pirates in whose possession it had fallen. The question will then legitimately arise for determination of this legation, whether vessels bound beyond the port where thus seized will be permitted to prosecute their voyage. In cases where the voyage of the vessel or vessels taken possession of under these instructions terminated at the port to which you have been appointed a consul of the United States, you will instruct the mate or person put in charge by you to convey her direct to the port of the United States whence she cleared, provided she cleared from a port north of Baltimore, in the State of Maryland. If, however, the vessel cleared from Baltimore, or a more southern port, you will order her to be conveyed to the port of New York direct, with instructions to the person in charge to report himself to the collector of that port, and through him to the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States; and you will, in all cases, furnish the person in charge with a letter addressed to the collector of the port to which he is bound, detailing, for the information of the Secretary of the Treasury, the cause of the seizure, and the circumstances under which it was made. You will, immediately on the arrival of American vessel in the port where you officially reside, serve upon the captain a copy of this circular, and retain in your possession evidence of such service. The oath of allegiance to be administered under these instructions will be as follows: master of the "I, of- do hereby solemnly swear that I do owe true and faithful allegiance to the government of the United States; and that I will, to the best of my ability, defend the Constitution of the United States, and give a cordial support to all persons in authority duly elected or appointed to administer the government and execute the laws thereof. So help me God." I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. WATSON WEBB, Envoy Ex'y and Minister Plenipo'y for the United States. No. 12.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Webb. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, December 12, 1861. SIR: Your despatch of October 24 (No. 3) has received the President's consideration. Your speech to the Emperor, on the occasion of presenting your credentials, was equally just and appropriate. The Emperor's reply is entirely satisfactory, and the sentiments of friendship towards the United States which he expresses are much enhanced in value by the special marks of consideration which he bestowed upon you at the audience. Your special note to the minister for foreign affairs, touching the conduct of your predecessor, is approved. It is among our humiliations that disloyal representatives have exerted themselves to lower the national character in the respect of the governments to which they are accredited. The course of treason, however, is always short, while loyalty, like every other virtue, knows no fatigue, and seldom encounters discomfiture. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JAMES WATSON WEBB, Esq., sx., sx., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 13.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Webb. Washington, December 12, 1861. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, SIR: I recur to your despatch (No. 3) of the date of October 24. Your course in issuing your circular, concerning the secession flag, to the consuls in the Brazilian empire is approved. We trust that it will have the effect of saving the national prestige in South America. It is to be regretted that the late minister-your predecessor-and the late consul at Rio have probably escaped, for the present, the account which they owe to the government for their treasonable abuse of the confidence of their country. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JAMES WATSON WEBB, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No 17.] Mr. Webb to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I perceive by allusions in the public press, although the message itself, in extenso, has not come under my observation, that the President, in suggesting the means of carrying out the gradual manumission of the negro, alludes to the necessity of obtaining a place of colonization for the persons manumitted. The wisdom of such a suggestion is too manifest to require discussion; but the purchase of territory for this wise and philanthropic purpose may be attended with difficulties so embarrassing as, in a measure, to defeat the object in view. It has occurred to me, therefore, that the labor question of Brazil, upon the early solution of which so much depends, and to which I have heretofore referred, may be rendered auxiliary to our own difficulty in disposing of the freed negro. The rapidly increasing value of the negro in the province of Rio Janeiro and all the southern provinces of the empire, and the steadily advancing price of coffee, added to the well ascertained fact that the slave population is on the decrease instead of the increase, as with us, where the African is of a far lower type than those brought to Brazil, is rapidly depopulating the northern provinces of the empire. Every coasting vessel brings its ten to thirty slaves for sale at Rio, for the supply of labor in this vicinity and on the coffee plantations; and the cry is heard from the provinces of Para, Maranham, Pianhi, Parahiba, Pernambuco, and even Bahia, that they are being depopulated, for the benefit of the southern provinces, by the inevitable law of demand and supply. It is now conceded, too, that the negroes on the opposite coast of Africa, whence Brazil was supplied, are a very superior race to the tribes further north, which furnished the slave for the West Indies and the United States. The latter are an ignorant and docile people, and, with few exceptions, they yield themselves natt rally to servitude, even in their native Africa. Not so the Minas and tribes further south, and from which Brazil was furnished with laborers. They are a fierce, warlike, and intellectual people, to whom slavery is as much a burden as to many of the Caucasian races, and they are not only ready for insurrection and capable of extensive combinations and conspiracies to effect their liberation, as the insurrection in Bahia some years since abundantly proved, but it is now susceptible of demonstration that, throughout the slave population of Brazil, there exists, to a greater or less extent, an organized conspiracy to prevent the increase of slavery by the mothers committing infanticide! Of course, nature is too powerful in the breasts of women to render such a combination universal, or slavery would cease in a single generation. It is proved, however, that there are sufficient of the fiercer traits among the slaves to render infanticide so frequent as to prevent their increase; and the slave trade being at an end, and colo nization from Europe checked by unwise and selfish laws, well may the statesmen of Brazil tremble at the prospect which the future presents. To me it is clearly manifest that, unless the southern provinces of Brazil are supplied with laborers from abroad, which can only be in consequence of a change in the colonization laws of the empire and some special legislation, those provinces lying under the equator will be robbed of their laborers by reason of the higher |