painfully conscious that arguments and representations, however just and telling, are beginning to lose much of their force. I am waiting in the most anxious expectation to be strengthened by deeds. The conversation recorded above is, in some respects, a type of much in which I must take a daily part. Speculations concerning the future are no longer received; apparent inaction is considered almost equivalent to defeat; and even that better knowledge of an American which supports his own hope and confidence is partly neutralized by the disappointments of this year. For my part, I can scarcely doubt the issue without doubting the justice of God; but I am forced to encounter a feeling in others which my own confidence cannot overcome. I have also to announce a change in the ministry, which may have some bearing on the interests of American citizens in Russia. A letter of the Emperor was published on Sunday last, allowing General Chefkin to retire from his post as chief director of the ways of communication. He is succeeded by General Melnikoff, of the engineers, a man of distinguished talents and acquirements, who has travelled in the United States, and is said to be anxious to enlist American enterprise in the great system of railroad communication which the imperial government has planned. As Mr. Collins's project of telegraphic connexion has been referred to this department, I anticipate a much more speedy and favorable report upon it than could have been expected during the direction of General Chefkin. The change, which has been rumored for a month past, has, no doubt, delayed action upon the project, but I hope soon to be able to announce to you its acceptance by the imperial government. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, your obedient servant, BAYARD TAYLOR, SIR: Your very interesting despatch of October 29 (No. 16) has been submitted to the President. The explanations of the views of the Russian government made to you by Prince Gortchacow, and his assurances of its fidelity and constancy towards the United States, are deeply interesting and eminently gratifying. Circumstances and positions affect our views of every transaction. The profound apprehension concerning the present safety and future stability of the Union expressed by the prince was, at the time of your conversation with him, a very natural preoccupation of his mind. If I can accurately recall events, the latest information from this country which had then reached Russia left here an insurgent army, which had been only checked in its invasion of Missouri; another similar invading army arrested, but not driven back from its march upon Cincinnati; still another hovering on the borders of Pennsylvania and Maryland; and yet another in front of Corinth, protecting Vicksburg and threatening Memphis. The same information untruly represented the government levies as coming slowly into camp, the public credit declining, and its resources as well nigh exhausted. This was the sensation of the hour here in the early part of the month of October. The daily press is a political daguer reotype. It seizes the existing profile of affairs, fixes it stiffly and darkly upon the plate, and, at the very instant, scatters its impressions broadcast throughout the world. The same instrument is now giving a very different profile of American affairs to foreign countries. What is now seen is a picture of wasting rebellious armies retreating on every side, an empty treasury, a prostrate credit, sufferings indescribable, attended by alarms and fears of social revolution. General Burnside is on the advance to Richmond; an army and a fleet are descending the Mississippi; another army, with another fleet, is just moving * * ; another army is advancing from Nashville towards East Tennessee, and an iron navy is nearly ready to reduce the last remaining insurrectionary ports into federal occupation. Of all the insurgent menaces which lowered upon us so thickly in September and October there is only one that now gives us anxiety, and that is the invasion by iron-clad vessels, which are being built for the insurgents by their sympathizers in England. In regard to that danger, we must believe that the preparations of this government, whose resources are as ample now as that of any nation, are at least equal to the emergency of defence at home against such steam naval forces as the insurrection can send across the Atlantic ocean. Naturally the first thought which, in a time of apparent danger to our country, occurs to a foreign friend, is the desirableness of an adjustment or arrangement of the strife. This suggestion is enforced by a contemplation of the calamities and sufferings which are wrought upon the battle-field. The generous mind, glowing with friendly zeal, refuses to admit the fact, however obvious, that composition of such troubles is impossible. This has been the case especially with the excellent Russian minister plenipotentiary here. He has for some time pressed upon us the same sentiments which were expressed to you by Prince Gortchacow. Mr. Adams has informed us that Baron Brunow, at London, has equally urged them, though with great delicacy, upon him. The Russian government need not doubt for a moment that the President will hail the first moment when any proposition of peace can be made which will arrest the strife without a sacrifice of the nation's constitution and life. That period cannot now be far off. Whatever the insurgent leaders may say of their determination, it is not possible for the masses they represent to persevere much longer without direct foreign aid. Much as we deprecate such aid, we have nevertheless had experience enough of war to know, what all the world sees, that to attack the United States, even in their present divided and distracted condition, is an attempt no one foreign nation is likely to undertake, while reason, nature, interest, and moral duty forbid an alliance for such a purpose. It is indeed a fearful drama which the almighty Ruler of nations has appointed us to enact. But it does not surpass the powers he has given us to sustain the performance. Not only friendly nations but human nature itself is interested in its success, and must not be disappointed. I am, sir, your obedient servant, BAYARD TAYLOR, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 6.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Taylor. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, November 24, 1862. SIR: Your despatch of October 25 (No. 15) has been submitted to the President. Whether we regard the decree of the Emperor which establishes an independent and impartial judiciary either in the aspect of a political measure assuring the stability of the government, or in the character of a social reform bringing the people of Russia all at once up to the condition of freemen, it is calculated to command the approval of mankind. It seems to secure to Russia the benefits without the calamities of a revolution. You are authorized to congratulate Prince Gortchacow upon the auspicious event. Constitutional nations which have heretofore regarded the friendship which exists between Russia and the United States as wanting a foundation in common principles and sentiments, must hereafter admit that this relation is as natural in its character as it is auspicious to both countries in its results. I am, sir, your obedient servant, BAYARD TAYLOR, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. SPAIN. Mr. Seward to Mr. Perry. No. 1.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, January 14, 1862. SIR: Your despatch of December 21 (No. 15) has been received. The President directs me to assure you that he reposes entire confidence in your loyalty, ability, and diligence in conducting the affairs of the mission at Madrid during the temporary absence of Mr. Schurz. You will have learned already of the action of this government in the case of the Trent, and you will be able to calculate as wisely as we upon the signs of peace between us and Great Britain. It hardly can be necessary to say that the counsels of prudence will be pursued here until the point of national safety and honor compel a change of disposition. The condition of affairs is, that the insurrection does not advance, while the cause of the Union steadily gains important advantages. I am, sir, your obedient servant, HORATIO J. PERRY, Esq., &c., &c., &c., Madrid. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Seward to Mr. Perry. No. 3.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, January 23, 1862. SIR: Your despatch of December 28 (No. 17) has been received. The President appreciates highly the diligence and loyal spirit with which you have entered ad interim upon the duties of the legation at Madrid. While we have good reasons for hoping that the war cloud which so suddenly and so strangely arose from the British islands, threatening an aggravation of the domestic evils of our country, will be happily dispersed, we have at the same time gratifying indications that the insurrection in the southern States has reached an interesting point, and may now be expected to be suppressed without unreasonable delay. It finds itself hemmed in on all sides, and recent defeats sustained at Drainsville, in Virginia, at Port Royal, in South Carolina, and at Mill Creek, in Kentucky, cannot but abate the extravagant idea that they are invincible, which the insurgents have so carefully fostered. I am, sir, your obedient servant, HORATIO J. PERRY, Esq., &c., &c., &c., Madrid. No. 11.] WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Seward to Mr. Perry. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, February 22, 1862. SIR: Your confidential despatch of January 19 (No. 25) was duly received. A nation that suffers itself to be divided by factions arrayed against each other in civil war can expect only intrusive intermeddling at first, and |