I have always thought that the whole property of the rebels, slaves and all, should be summarily confiscated. On the subject of slavery, my motto is now, and ever has been, "Delenda est Carthago." At the same time I would keep the olive branch ever extended in the other hand, constitutional guarantees and general amnesty to the rebels if they would lay down their arms and return to their duty and the Union. And here is our real dangera division of the unionists between these extremes. The first duty of every man is to secure the restoration of the Union. To do this, we must have unity of counsel and action. That unity can only be attained by supporting "the powers that be." I would say, then, to our "radical friends," let us advise the President, in and out of Congress, but leave him to conduct the war upon his own convictions of right and possible success, and our whole duty then will be to support him with all the moral and physical strength of the republic. I see dangers ahead; I hear of factions and fear divisions! Hence I come forward to enter my protest against them to friend and foe. The President, if he deems it worth while, may use these words of mine as he deems best. I am willing to stand by him upon his last congressional message for the sake of unity, liberty, and Union. And may God save the common weath. SIR: I called on Prince Gortchacow to-day, at his own request, when he read me the letter which he had already despatched to Baron (M.) de Stoeckl, congratulating our government upon its late adjustment of the Trent affair. The letter you will perceive is well written, and very favorable in its tone to our government. He asked what I thought of its publication here within a week. I said it was somewhat unusual, but the British government have published diplomatic correspondence before it was complete by arrival at its destination. He added if I thought it would aid us in this crisis of public formation of opinion in Europe, that he would have it then put in the official paper, being the St. Petersburg Journal. I told him I liked the style and spirit of the letter, and believed it would greatly forward our interests by its immediate publication. He responded that he was anxious to do us all the good offices possible (without interfering directly in our home troubles) as the great American nation, and that he would then publish it at once. He then repeated to me his wishes for the restoration of the Union. He expressed his fears, if any reverse should happen to us, that England would at once make common cause with the south, acknowledge her independence, and finally break down the power of the republic. He said, in addition, that if we should succeed in conquering the south that we would have a sore and discontented population upon our hands, which would ever prove a source of weakness, and that he felt that we ought to make a generous offer of reconciliation to the south. I responded that I agreed with him; that we were always and are now ready to deal justly and generously with the south should she be willing to listen to reason, but, failing to hear our appeals, that we would war it out to the bitter end before we would allow our natural boundaries to be broken by them. I must confess that I very much fear England's interference. My first impressions in Europe are not changed nor weakened, but rather strengthened. Nothing but quick and effective success will save us from foreign enemies. If slavery could be rooted out of our system, I think any sacrifice of life and money now would not be too much to pay for such consummation. But, as it seems now to be determined to stand by slaveholders' rights though all others may perish, I confess I think that urgent appeals ought to be made at once to the south to save itself by accepting anew the Constitution and the Union, with all guarantees of slavery, as of old, unequivocally expressed. This should, however, be a secret and confidential proffer of the administration, without making its publication demoralize the troops and the country. For my part, I venture to suggest that the President send one of his most able diplomatists to Jeff. Davis's government, in an unofficial way, with the olive branch, ready, upon the gaining of any victory of importance on our part, to win him back to allegiance. You think you can trust England. I do not. So I would prepare at once for a war with that power, as an inevitable result of any reverses which would prevent a subjection of the south before the first of April next. But you may have sources of forming an opinion which are not open to me. I tell you simply how I look at this issue. One thing is certain: war or no war, Portland harbor ought to be at once fortified in the most permanent and effective manner. The tones of European governments are greatly changed since the rendition of Mason and Slidell. If England now seeks a quarrel with us, we will have all liberal Europe on our side. But she never cares what people think when she sees her way open to success. Upon our own strong right arm we must rest. I trust you will pardon me for so often venturing to make suggestions in reference to our home affairs. My anxiety about the issue must plead my apology. I have the honor to be your obedient servant, Hon. W. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. C. M. CLAY. Mr. Seward to Mr. Clay. No. 30.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, February 4, 1862. SIR: Your despatch of January 7, in which you survey the condition of the country at home, as well as its relations abroad, has been received and submitted to the President. There is, I fear, too much of truth and justice in the views of European sentiment which you present, as there is also in your estimate of the domestic trials and dangers through which we have to pass. But, on the other hand, the clear moral right, as well as no inconsiderable moral and material strength and power, are on the side of the Union. The sentiment of devotion to it, and the principle of making that devotion the great element of political action, happily every day gain intensity, as well as expansion, equally in Congress and among the people. The confidence of the government is built in some measure upon its plans of the campaign which is opening, and these plans cannot wisely be made known. I must be content, therefore, with assuring you that the doubts or fears which our representatives abroad continually present to us find no lodgement whatever in our own minds. I am, sir, your obedient servant, CASSIUS M. CLAY, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Cameron to Mr. Seward. No. 2.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, St. Petersburg, June 26, 1862. SIR: I have the honor to inform you that I arrived here on the night of the 15th instant, and was received by Mr. Clay, who was awaiting my arrival. On Monday I made application for an interview with Prince Gortchacow, minister of foreign affairs, who appointed the following day (17th) at noon. In company with Mr. Clay I called upon the prince at the foreign office. He received me with cordiality, and in the course of our brief but very satisfactory conversation expressed his most earnest desire for the termination of our domestic difficulties. He informed me that the Emperor had removed his residence to his summer palace of Tzarsko-Selo, where my presentation to his Majesty would probably take place. On the 19th, however, I received a note from the prince, stating that the Emperor would come to St. Petersburg and give me an interview at the winter palace on Tuesday, the 24th instant. This unexpected courtesy on his part was doubly agreeable, since it gave an assurance, in advance, of the special kindliness of his sentiments towards us. Shortly before the hour appointed, on the 24th, notice was sent to me that, on account of some private reason which prevented the Emperor from coming to St. Petersburg on that day, the audience was postponed until the 25th. At noon, therefore, in company with Mr. Clay-whose audience of leave was appointed for the same time-and with Mr. Taylor, secretary of legation, I proceeded to the winter palace. We were conducted to the ante-room, adjoining the Emperor's cabinet, where we were received by the grand chamberlain, Count Schouvaloff, and the master of ceremonies, Count de Ribeaupierre. Mr. Clay was first summoned to the imperial presence to deliver his letter of recall and take his official leave, after which I was presented to his Majesty. The remarks which I made on delivering to him my. letter of credence are given, in substance, in the paper (A) accompanying this despatch. He listened to them with attention, interrupting ine several times to express his hearty concurrence in my views. A conversation followed, which lasted for more than half an hour, and during which the Emperor, by his questions and observations, exhibited not only his profound interest in everything relating to our country, but his accurate knowledge of her present situation. He declared, frankly, that his sympathies had always been cordially with us; that he was very anxious the United States, as a nation, should suffer no diminution of power or influence; our interests and those of Russia were in many respects identical, and he was desirous to hasten, by all the means in his power, the progress of that telegraphic enterprise which will enable the two governments to communicate directly with each other. He referred to his efforts in regard to the emancipation of the serfs, and manifested a great interest concerning the solution of the question of slavery in the United States. The Emperor was exceedingly plain, frank, and unostentatious in his demeanor. The unusual length of the interview, as well as unaffected earnestness and sincerity of his expressions, gave evidence that he desired to make a special manifestation of his friendship for our country and government. Both on entering and leaving his cabinet he gave me his hand with cordial familiarity. This practical experience of the good faith of those professions of sympathy with the United States which Russia now makes, as she has heretofore made-not only unimpaired but strengthened by the knowledge of our national trials-has afforded me the most profound gratification. At the close of the interview Mr. Bayard Taylor, secretary of legation, was presented to the Emperor. Mr. Clay will leave for the United States as soon as he has had his audience of leave from the Empress and the other members of the imperial family. I have the honor to be your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, SIMON CAMERON. Secretary of State. (A.) I am instructed by the President to convey to your Imperial Majesty the assurances of his desire to perpetuate the friendly relations which have so long existed between Russia and the United States. In addition to our obligations for ancient evidences of friendship, he as well as our whole people feel an abiding gratitude for the prompt and cordial sympathy which we have received from your Majesty in our successful efforts to subdue an unnatural rebellion. Knowing the exalted opinion entertained by the President of the United States, and by the American people, towards your Majesty, I could not but consider my appointment of minister to your court the highest honor which could have been conferred upon me. No two governments in christendom differ more widely in some respects than Russia and the United States, yet both seem best adapted to promote the happiness and prosperity of their respective people. Both are at present engaged in a social change, and have imposed upon them a national duty similar in character, and promising alike results equally vital and glorious to either nation. This social change is the emancipation of labor, in effecting which your Majesty has so nobly led the way, and which the free masses of my own country are now so heroically emulating under the guidance of divine providence. We believe that the peace as well as the material interests of all nations will be best subserved by the continuance of the power and prosperity of Russia in the Old World, and on the new continent by the perpetuity of the system adopted by the United States. Let me assure your Majesty that recent events abundantly prove that my government is able to meet all exigencies, and to perform her whole duty to humanity. Her system does not admit of large standing armies in time of peace, but the promptitude with which her citizens came to the call of the President, and the existence of our present mighty army, prove that we shall never want soldiers to maintain our domestic security or to defend our national honor. It is remarkable that Russia and the United States are the only two great powers of the world whose friendship can never be disturbed by rival in terests. Your Majesty is extending civilization to the far east, while the people of my country are carrying the blessings of our government to the extreme west. In this mutual advance your telegraph will soon join ours, so that St. Petersburg and Washington may converse with each other with out the wires being touched by unfriendly hands. It will afford me unfeigned pleasure to represent my country in this spirit, and to take every proper occasion for drawing still closer the bonds of amity between the two nations. Mr. Seward to Mr. Cameron. No. 5.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, July 23, 1862. SIR: Your despatch of June 26 (No. 2) has been received. The account which it gives of your reception by his Majesty, and by his enlightened minister for foreign affairs, Prince Gortchacow, is very gratifying. And the President especially desires that the government and people of Russia may by your good offices be kept entirely satisfied that they enjoy the cordial friendship of the United States. I am, sir, your obedient servant, SIMON CAMERON, Esq., &c., &c., & c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Cameron to Mr. Seward. No. 4.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I have the honor to inform you that, after receiving your communication of June 9, relative to Mr. Collins's plan of telegraphic communication between Russia and the United States, I requested of Prince Gortchacow an interview, for the purpose of an informal conversation upon the subject previous to the arrival of Mr. Collins. His excellency, who has not been in the city since my presentation to the Emperor, on the 25th ultimo, at once replied, stating that he would be happy to receive me at the imperial palace of Peterhof, about 18 miles from here, on the following day, Wednesday, the 16th instant. I presented myself at the appointed time, and was very cordially received by the Prince, who, however, while expressing the greatest interest in the proposed enterprise, desired that the plan of it should be presented in a definite form. This I promised to do immediately after the arrival of Mr. Collins. You will perceive from the remarks which I made to the Emperor on presenting my credentials, (communicated in despatch No. 2,) that I had already anticipated your instructions so far as to mention the subject to his Imperial Majesty. From the readiness with which he assented to the suggestion, as well as from the expressions used by Prince Gortchacow, I consider myself justified in inferring that Russia will be ready at the proper moment to co-operate with the United States in forwarding any plan of telegraphic communication between the two countries which shall seem to offer a reasonable chance of success. I was accompanied to Peterhof by the other members of my family, including Mr. Bayard Taylor, secretary of legation, and by Mr. Haldeman, United States minister resident at Stockholm, who has paid me a brief visit. Prince Gortchacow, having been informed of the fact, (possibly by the hereditary prince, the Grand Duke Nicholas, who went to Peterhoff by the same train,) immediately despatched an imperial equipage, in order to convey the party to the palace, where a suite of rooms was placed at their disposal. After my interview a carriage and attendants were again furnished, and we were taken through all parts of the magnificent park and gardens. The immense system of artificial cataracts and fountains which is ranked among the finest hydraulic exhibitions in Europe was set in operation in order that we might witness it, and on our return to the palace we found that a sumptuous dinner had been provided. I take the liberty of mention |