has been tried for five and twenty years, that all the people of America have their eyes upon us, and that if we withdraw without attaining our object, every Frenchman in the New World must also abandon his interests, and follow in the train of our flag. [Hear, hear.] No! Our honor is engaged, and justice we must have. Let this Mexican government disappear before the face of France, or let it take a more serious form, which may offer some security for the future. We do not wish to establish there one of those governments which only live by foreign breath; we want pecuniary satisfaction for our plundered countrymen-military satisfaction for the honor of our soldiers-diplomatic satisfaction for the dignity of France. If we do not obtain them, if the nation is so worn out that it cannot revive to honesty and order, then we will do ourselves justice, and leave it to its evil fate. But let us have no doubts as to the justness of this war. Let us say that it is just, necessary, legitimate, and let our soldiers be assured that you, as well as the Emperor, give them all your sympathies; that the whole country is at their backs, and that the flag of France will never cease to be the flag of right, justice, civilization, and liberty. [Loud cheers.] (The honorable minister resumed his seat in the midst of a double salvo of applause.) The five sections of the war department were then successive agreed to; and the ensemble of the bill relative to the supplementary credits of 1862 was adopted unanimously by 256 votes. The sitting then terminated. Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward. [Extracts.] No. 168.] PARIS, July 9, 1862. SIR: On Friday last three despatches from Mexico to the Emperor are said to have arrived-one from Monsieur Saligny, the others from Generals Almonte and Miranda. The despatch from the first is said to be an able exposé of the condition of things in Mexico, and the necessity of energetic action on the part of France. Under its influence it was resolved on Saturday to send out twentyfive thousand men, with a large fleet, made up of four cuirassed frigates, and a large number of ships. The fleet, indeed, it is said, will be out of proportion to the size and numerical strength of the armament, although that be a large one, and hence it is inferred it is intended to look at us. The constant advance in the market price of that article [cotton] in the United States tends to induce the belief here that our own people, even, have no confidence in the early suppression of the rebellion. The proffer of mediation, it is said, will be the opening, and will be followed up by such course of action as circumstances may render necessary. Our friends here are, therefore, again in excitement as to the future policy of the Emperor. These alarms in Paris and London are, as you know, periodical. Although I sometimes report them to your department, I have not myself been much moved by them heretofore, nor am I now. A proper respect for this government seems to require that we abide its policy as indicated through its official agents. In looking over the ground, I cannot see how any policy hostile to us can be adopted which would not be injurious to France and irreconcilable with the uniform professions of this government made from the beginning. If any change is to be inaugurated, fair dealing would seem to require that it be announced to us in advance. I cannot, however, shut my eyes to one fact; and that is, that those French journals which are looked upon as representing the views of this government have, within the last few weeks, changed their tone and spirit in connexion with the affairs of our country. A number of them are now almost as unjust and unfair in their representations as the London Times itself. This, you may rely upon it, would not be if such course were not, for some reason, agreeable to the French government, or to the leading officials of the government. The European press, and more especially the French, is not irresponsible like our own, and its movements, or the movements of portions of it, are under the constant direction of the ministry of the interior. SIR: Your despatch of June 12 (No. 160) has been submitted to the President. The treasury regulations concerning imports at New Orleans do not exclude wines, but only ardent spirits, and this temporarily, for military reasons. The increased activity of European politicians directed towards effecting some intervention in our affairs, which you have described, has not passed unobserved here. It is to be regretted, because it produces unprofitable resentments among our people, and embarrasses the action of all the governments concerned. The excuses which it employs abroad are not entertained here, because they are unjust in principle, and without ground in fact. If we happen to fail in one of several combined military enterprises, as every belligerent power subject to the chances of war must occasionally fail, it is pronounced abroad to be conclusive against the success of the whole war. If, on the other hand, we gain victory upon victory, with a rapidity and upon a scale such as only the campaigns of the first Emperor of France exhibited, the refusal of the insurgents to render instant and universal submission to the federal authority renders these successes in foreign eyes ineffectual and valueless. There can be no harm in asking foreign governments and statesmen, under these circumstances, to consider our position, our interests, our purposes, and our character, as well as their own. We are rightfully here, a nation lawfully existing, widely extended, and firmly established, with peculiarly beneficent institutions, upon a continent separate and remote from that occupied by the nations whose interference with us is so vehemently and perseveringly urged. In maintaining our own integrity, we are defending the interests and the cause not merely of popular government, but of the very institution of civil government itself We have no hostile or interested designs against any other state or nation whatever, and, on the contrary, we seek peace, harmony, and commerce with them all, and, consequently, in desiring to remain undisturbed by them, we are defending the peace of the world. Our policy in this emergency is a prudent, honest, direct, and generous one. We have raised large armies and a considerable navy. The reduction of Vicksburg, the possession of Chattanooga, and the capture of Richmond, would close the civil war with complete success. All these three enterprises are going forward. The two former will, we think, be effected within the next ten days. For the third we require re-enforcements, which are being rapidly and lavishly contributed at our call. The three hundred thousand additional troops will be in the field in sixty days, and within about the same period we shall have afloat as large an iron-clad fleet as any in the world. The war is becoming one of exhaustion to the insurgents, and they, not we, are hastening forward the rise of a servile population in arms on the side of the government. Under these circumstances, although we deprecate foreign interference, we deprecate it hardly less for the sake of other nations than for our own, and we deprecate it upon considerations of prudence and humanity, not at all from motives of fear or apprehension. Having always contemplated the possibility of such interference, we shall be found not unprepared for it, if it must come. We have so conducted our affairs as to deprive it of all pretence of right or of provocation. We have interfered with the dominion or the ambitious designs of no nation. We have seen San Domingo absorbed by Spain, and been content with a protest. We have seen Great Britain strengthen her government in Canada, and have approved it. We have seen France make war against Mexico, and have not allied ourselves with that republic. We have heard and redressed every injury of which any foreign state has complained, and we have relaxed a blockade in favor of foreign commerce that we might rightfully have maintained with inflexibility. We have only complained because an attitude of neutrality encouraging to rebellion among us, adopted hastily and unnecessarily, has not been relinquished when the progress of the war showed that it was as injurious as it was ill-advised. Under these circumstances, if intervention in any form shall come, it will find us in the right of the controversy and in the strong attitude of selfdefence. Once begun, we know how it must proceed. It will here bring out reserved and yet latent forces of resistance that can never go to rest until America shall be reconquered and reorganized by Europe, or shall have become isolated forever equally from the industrial and governmental systems of that continent. European statesmen, I am sure, before waging war against us, will consider their rights, interests, and resources, as well as our own. For ourselves, we do not believe that European domination is to be rebuilt here upon the foundation of African slavery. SIR: The President appreciates the vigilance and the prudence which suggested your confidential despatch No. 164. It may be enough to say, in reply, that the Comte de Paris and the Duc de Chartres, after a year's service in the army of the United States, in which they have conducted themselves with the utmost propriety and the highest gallantry, have returned to Europe. It is not to be doubted that they carry with them the affectionate gratitude of the American people. This, however, is a sentiment won by them, not for themselves alone, or even peculiarly, but, as in the case of Lafayette and Rochambeau, it is a sentiment won by them for France. You need hardly be told that the generous course adopted towards us, in what seemed a critical hour, by the Prince Napoleon, (Jerome,) made an equal impression upon the country, and its best wishes attend him wherever he goes, and whatever may be the sphere of his action. Although the policy of the Emperor during the contest has not been, in all respects, what we have claimed and wished, you are, nevertheless, not to be told now, for the first time, that it has been interpreted by us in the most favorable light, and every generous, and even any forbearing, word that he has spoken to us personally or by Mr. Thouvenel, has awakened the kindest sentiments among the American people. We have wished so well to France, and to her present government, that we have not suffered ourselves to attribute to the one or the other any of the unfriendly or unfeeling utterances of the press of Paris which have occasionally reached us. It appeared very early after the revolutionary war that the gratitude of the people of the United States for the aid they had received from France in that struggle was a sentiment too strong to allow them to divide themselves into parties upon the question who shall rule in France. That same sentiment lives at this day. We leave that question to Frenchmen, and only desire that, to whomsoever the sway is confided, he may, by ruling France wisely and well, increase her power and advance her prosperity and happiness. SIR: The receipt of your despatches from No. 163 to No. 175, both inclusive, is hereby acknowledged. Neither of these despatches seems to contemplate a present reply. Their contents, respectively, I have noted, and in due time will communicate the substance of such as are intended to be communicated to Mr. Thouvenel. * * * * The news from Charleston, followed by that from Richmond, is most disheartening. The prolongation of the war beyond the present season will now, I suppose, be a matter of necessity. * * * The Emperor and the court, as well as the diplomatic corps generally, have left Paris, and will not probably return until fall. The legation of the United States is, I suppose, the only one wholly remaining here. I am, sir, your obedient servant, His Excellency WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. WM. L. DAYTON. No. 186.] Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, SIR: In a recent note to the department Mr. Mercier suggested that as ships-of-war in French ports had a right to purchase supplies from the public warehouses free of duty, it was desirable that French ships in our ports should have a similar privilege. The authority of Congress was, of course, necessary for this. Accordingly, by the act approved on the 14th instant, increasing temporarily the duties on imports, this privilege has been granted, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe, to the vessels-of-war of any nation which may reciprocate such privilege towards the vessels-of-war of the United States in its ports. You will apprise Mr. Thouvenel of this enactment. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WM. L. DAYTON, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward. No. 178.] PARIS, August 2, 1862. SIR: I learn unofficially that Mr. states as a fact that France, Eng'land, and Russia have agreed to recommend to the United States the cessation of hostilities, and the settlement of their controversy with the south. In other words, they are to offer mediation, not together, but separately. That this comes directly from - I have no doubt; but there are so many stories afloat, of this or like nature, coming from him, that I cannot give it full credence; more especially as it would seem to conflict with my general information from other quarters. Still, I report the statements to you. It would seem to me that you must have some information, beyond what I receive here, as to the views of France, from her minister at Washington. If so, may I beg that you will communicate it? I am sure that I need not say that I ask this information from no idle curiosity, but as something essential to a useful discharge of my duties here. Nothing can be more embarrassing than being in the dark upon matter which may have transpired between yourself and the French minister at Washington. illustration of this, the only knowledge I had of the actual purpose of Mr. Mercier's recent visit to Richmond was obtained first from Lord Cowley, the British ambassador, and next, at second hand, from the Emperor. You will, under these circumstances, appreciate at once my embarrassments in falling into conversation with Lord Cowley on this subject. I make this reference, not at all as matter of complaint, but only as an illustration of my meaning when I allude to embarrassments arising from a want of knowledge of what may have transpired, if anything, between yourself and Mr. Mercier. I know and fully appreciate the vast extent of your labors, and it may well be that nothing has recently been communicated by the French government. If so, I beg that you will excuse me for directing your attention to the subject. I am, sir, your obedient servant, His Excellency WM. H. SEWARD, WM. L. DAYTON. Secretary of State, &c., &c, &c. |