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without its value at some future time, should the escape of the gunboat 290 and of her companion, the Oreto, prove to be of any serious injury to our

commerce.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

Mr. Adams to Earl Russell.

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
London, September 4, 1862.

MY LORD: I have the honor to transmit the copy of a letter received from the consul of the United States at Liverpool, together with a deposition, in addition to the others already submitted with my notes of the 22d and 24th of July, going to show the further prosecution of the illegal and hostile measures against the United States in connexion with the outfit of the gunboat No. 290 from the port of Liverpool. It now appears that supplies are in process of transmission from here to a vessel fitted out from England, and now sailing on the high seas, with the piratical intent to burn and destroy the property of the people of a country with which her Majesty is in alliance and friendship. I pray your lordship's pardon if I call your attention to the fact that I have not yet received any reply in writing to the sev eral notes and representations I have had the honor to submit to her Majes ty's government touching this flagrant case.

I beg to renew to your lordship the assurance of the highest consideration with which I have the honor to be, my lord, your most obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

FOREIGN OFFICE, September 22, 1862.

SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 4th instant, enclosing a copy of a letter from the United States consul at Liverpool, together with the deposition of Henry Redden, respecting the supply of cannon and munitions of war to the gunboat No. 290. You also call attention to the fact that you have not yet received any reply to the representations you have addressed to her Majesty's government upon the subject. I had the honor, in acknowledging the receipt of your letter of the 22d of June, to state to you that the matter had been referred to the proper depart ment of her Majesty's government for investigation. Your subsequent letters were also at once forwarded to that department, but, as you were informed in my letter of the 28th of July, it was requisite, before any active steps could be taken in the matter, to consult the law officers of the crown. This could not be done until sufficient evidence had been collected, and, from the nature of the case, some time was necessarily spent in procuring it. The reports of the law officers was not received until the 29th of July, and, on the same day, a telegraphic message was forwarded to her Majesty's gov ernment, stating that the vessel had sailed that morning. Instructions were then despatched to Ireland to detain the vessel should she put into Queenstown, and similar instructions have been sent to the governor of the Baha mas, in case of her visiting Nassau. It appears, however, that the vessel

did not go to Queenstown, as had been expected, and nothing has been since heard of her movement.

The officers of customs will now be directed to report upon the further evidence forwarded by you. I shall not fail to inform you of the result of the inquiry.

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, sir, your most obedient humble servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., Sc., &c., &c.

RUSSELL.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams.

No. 359.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, September 26, 1862.

SIR: Your despatch of the 12th of September (No. 221) has been submitted to the President. It gives evidence of deep research among the springs of political action in Europe, as it is also far-reaching in its grasp of the peculiar interests of this country. In this official paper I must write with less freedom than you have done on both subjects.

In the beginning of our domestic troubles, all the outside world was apparently in a state of profound and permanent peace. It seemed as if, unavoidably, irritation was produced in several foreign countries by the derangement of our national commerce, and they were not only entirely free to combine against us and enforce a dissolution of the Union, but were even being impelled by very powerful influences to enter into such a combination. Perhaps the most portentous incident which has occurred in the progress of this unhappy strife was the announcement made to us by the governments of Great Britain and France that they had agreed to act together in regard to the questions which it should present for their consideration. Every one knows the influence that the united wills of these two great maritime powers carry in the councils of other states. It has been for us of late a relief to perceive that although European cabinets still maintain their conventional accord, yet the fundamental political interests of the states they represent are forcing themselves into notice and tempering, if not modifying, the proceedings of their governments.

It is, as you suggest, very plainly the interest of all the members of this federal Union to arrest their civil war, reconcile their differences, reorganize the government on its constitutional basis, and thus maintain themselves equally against possible foreign war and the still more dangerous inroads of foreign influence. But the faction which has gotten up the insurrection builds its hopes of success chiefly upon foreign intervention, and it has not thus far been sufficiently exhausted to open the way for serious reflection in the revolutionary States. This whole nation, when united, was a greater and stronger power than it was believed abroad, and even greater and stronger than it supposed itself to be. The insurgent portion of it, though very unequal to the loyal, are not deficient in strength and wealth available for treason. An ambitious spirit, perhaps it would not be severe to say a malignant one, has imparted much energy to the insurgent arms. But it no longer admits of doubt that there has been a visible process of exhaustion of men and money in the insurgent States. The waste of armies in war was unforseen by them, as it was by the government. It is now visible on both sides. Practically, it is not difficult to renew our armies, but the wasted forces of the insurgents cannot be replaced. They have spent three hundred

and fifty millions already, and need two hundred and fifty millions more for expenditure before the beginning of the new year. Their whole actual revenue from imposts and taxes gathered within the past year is nominally twelve millions, but this was received in a currency depreciated at least fifty per cent.; they have no resources for greater taxation. The spirit which has sustained them thus far cannot be maintained without the gain of military advantages far greater than they have hitherto obtained.

In view of these facts, it is probably safe to assume that the insurrection has reached its crisis.

As you are well aware, it has never been expected by the President that the insurgents should protract this war until it should exhaust not only themselves but the loyal States, and bring foreign armies or navies into the conflict, and still be allowed to retain in bondage, with the consent of this government, the slaves who constitute the laboring and producing masses of the insurrectionary States. At the same time, the emancipation of the slaves could be effected only by executive authority, and on the ground of military necessity. As a preliminary to the exercise of that great power, the President must have not only the exigency, but the general consent of the loyal people of the Union in the border slave States where the war was raging, as well as in the free States which have escaped the scourge, which could only be obtained through a clear conviction on their part that the military exigency had actually occurred. It is thus seen that what has been discussed so earnestly at home and abroad as a question of morals or of humanity has all the while been practically only a military question, depending on time and circumstances. The order for emancipation, to take effect on the first of January, in the States then still remaining in rebellion against the Union, was issued upon due deliberation and conscientious consideration of the actual condition of the war, and the state of opinion in the whole country.

No one who knows how slavery was engrafted upon the nation when it was springing up into existence; how it has grown and gained strength as the nation itself has advanced in wealth and power; how fearful the people have hitherto been of any change which might disturb the parasite, will contend that the order comes too late. It is hoped and believed that after the painful experience we have had of the danger to which the federal connexion with slavery is exposing the republic there will be few indeed who will insist that the decree which brings the connexion to an end either could or ought to have been further deferred.

The interests of humanity have now become identified with the cause of our country, and this has resulted not from any infraction of constitutional restraints by the government, but from persistent unconstitutional and fac tious proceedings of the insurgents, who have opposed themselves to both. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c., &c., &c.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams.

No. 360.]

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washingtort, September 30, 1862.

SIR: Many free persons of African derivation residing within the United States have made known to the President their desires to emigrate to foreign countries if they could do so with the consent of the government and with

guarantees of its guardian care over them while arranging their departure and pursuing their voyages, choosing their new homes and purchasing lands, or otherwise contracting for their permanent location and settlement abroad, and especially securing them, in every event, against being hereafter reduced to slavery or bondage. It is believed that the number of this class of persons so disposed to emigrate is augmenting and will continue to

increase.

On the other hand, some foreign governments situated within the tropics, and others having colonies or dependencies there, have intimated to the President a desire to receive such accessions to their population upon conditions favorable to the welfare, prosperity, and happiness of the emigrants. In view of these facts, the President has authorized me to enter into negotiations upon the subject with the government of Great Britain, if it shall be inclined to such a course.

It is not within the purposes of this communication to present the project of a convention, but simply to state some of the general principles which this government supposes proper to be recognized in any treaties which may be contracted with reference to the objects which I have presented. First. That all emigration of persons of African derivation to take place under the stipulations of the treaty shall be perfectly free and voluntary on the part of adults, and with the full and expressed consent of parents and guardians for minor children and wards.

Second. That agents of the government desiring to receive such emigrants shall be recognized by this government and authorized to solicit such emigration, but such agents shall be appointed by such government or with its sanction. Their names, with the dates of their appointments and the terms for which they are to continue, shall be made known to this government, which shall engage to protect them while peacefully and inoffensively pursuing their occupation, but shall have always a right to require the dismissal of any such agent whose conduct or deportment shall be found injurious to the peace, safety, or welfare of the United States.

When any government which shall have entered into the treaty shall have obtained the consent of a colony or party of emigrants, a record of their names, ages, sexes, and conditions shall be made up with their proposed place of embarcation and destination, duly attested and verified. Such government shall then cause them, with their personal effects, to be received with all convenient despatch on board of sea-worthy vessels, which shall afford them healthful and convenient accommodations of space, air, food, water, and other necessaries for their intended voyage, and shall, in all cases, suffer no cruelty, inhumanity, or unnecessary severity to be practiced upon them. And families so emigrating shall not be separated without their consent. Any party of such emigrants who may desire it may be attended by an agent, being a citizen of the United States, to be selected by them and approved by the government, who may remain with them during the voyage and after their arrival at their destination, until they shall have been established in their new settlement; but such agent shall be paid by them or by the United States, and he shall be liable to be removed or recalled by this government and may be replaced upon representation from the other contracting party that his proceedings or conduct are disloyal or offensive to the government receiving such emigrants.

On arriving at the place of debarkation such emigrants shall be furnished with plain but comfortable dwellings, one for each family, or with comfortable homes in the families of resident inhabitants of the country, and either with lands to be occupied and owned by themselves adequate to their support and maintenance, they practicing ordinary industry in cultivating the same, or else with employment on hire, with provision for their wants, and

compensation adequate to their support and maintenance, clothing and medicines and an education of the children in the simple elements of knowl edge, which provision shall continue for the term of five years, minors and infants being permitted to reside with their parents and guardians during their minority, unless apprenticed with the consent of their parents and guardians. All such emigrants and their posterity shall forever remain free, and in no case be reduced to bondage, slavery, or involuntary servi tude, except for crime; and they shall specially enjoy liberty of conscience and the right to acquire, hold, and transmit property, and all other priv ileges of person common to inhabitants of the country in which they reside. It should be further stipulated that in cases of indigence resulting from injury, sickness, or age, any of such emigrants who shall become paupers shall not thereupon be suffered to perish or to come to want, but shall be supported and cared for as is customary with similar inhabitants of the country in which they shall be residents.

You are authorized to bring this subject to the attention of Earl Russell, and to inquire whether the British government has a desire to enter into such a negotiation. Should an affirmative answer be given, you may transmit to this department any suggestions that Earl Russell may desire to make in the premises, and you will, upon due consideration of the same, be furnished with a draft of a convention.

It should be understood that it is not desired by the United States to give to any State a monopoly of the proposed emigration, but to open its benefits on equal terms to all States within the tropics, or having colonies there, which, maintaining free constitutional governments, shall desire those benefits. As it might be expedient to fix upon a definite period for the duration of the proposed treaty, you may suggest ten years as the term, with the privilege, after that time, of terminating it at the expiration of one year's notice to that effect.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Esq., &c, &c., &c.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

Same, mutatis mutandis, addressed to ministers of the United States at Paris, the Hague, Copenhagen.

Mr. Moran to Mr. Seward.

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
London, September 30, 1862.

SIR: Under the direction of Mr. Adams, I have the honor to forward here with the copy of a telegram received last evening from Mr. H. J. Sprague, the United States consul at Gibraltar, respecting the movements of the gunboat 290, and of the United States vessels-of-war in the vicinity of the Mediterranean.

I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant,

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

BENJAMIN MORAN, Assistant Secretary of Legation.

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