been taken, than was done in the closing paragraph of this letter, it is not easy to discover. Some of the leading “Radical" men in fact, who had most vehemently urged the removal of Gen. Schofield, and among them Senator Lane of Kansas (for that State, then included in the same military department, had also been heard on this occasion by its representatives), so clearly recognized the propriety of the President's position, and so well understood his views on all matters of principle to harmonize essentially with theirs, that they became his earnest adherents. The attempt to make an issue with Mr. Lincoln on this matter, and to arraign him before the nation, only convicted the movers of the scheme of utterly misconceiving alike, the person whom they accused, and the people before whom the issue was to be tried. The Missouri squabble could not be nationalized. Mr. Lincoln could not be proscribed for adhe sion to the one side or the other.

The condition of affairs in Louisiana, on the capture of New Orleans, in 1862, had been materially different from that in Virginia and Missouri. The restoration of order seemed to require a temporary pupilage under a military governor. The proportion of loyal inhabitants was not such as to justify, in the opinion of the Government, an immediate attempt to restore civil authority in the State. So large a portion of its territory was yet in disloyal hands, and so small a number of its people of tested fidelity as to require the continued presence of armies and the prolonged ascendency of military jurisdiction. Even then, however, the popular branch of Congress had generously recognized and admitted Representatives from two of the districts of Louisiana. In due time, the state of affairs had so changed that the formation of a loyal civil government, repudiating slavery, as well as all the acts consequent upon pretended secession, was favored by the National Government, and by the military commander, Gen. Banks, under directions from President Lincoln.

Tennessee had early been placed under a military governor, in the person of Gen. Andrew Johnson, who had resigned his seat in the Senate, and accepted a military commission, in order -the better to further the great work of redeeming his State and

restoring a legitimate civil authority. Arkansas, less exposed to military invasions, and apparently weary of a rebellion reluctantly joined, resumed almost at once the civil functions of a State, abolishing slavery, and repudiating secession.

The national Executive was ready to extend his cordial support to the movements thus diversely organized, according to the circumstances, in these three States, as he had done to those in Virginia and Missouri. All were proceeding on the same substantial principle, yet Congress, through the opposition of a sufficient number of Republican Union members to break the Administration majority, turned back from its former policy, and disappointed the hopes which the President, adhering to the course heretofore approved, had properly encouraged. It is not strange that this opposition should come to be regarded as either factious or visionary. Different reasons were assigned for this conduct. Honest differences of opinion undeniably existed. It is also manifest that a positive element of this opposition, which endeavored to find a nucleus in the local "Radicalism" of Missouri, and materials for coalescence in every kind of discontent existing among adherents of the dominant party was something aside from mere zealous patriotism.

An issue was raised in the House of Representatives on the Monroe doctrine, by a "Radical" member who very well knew that Mr. Lincoln's views of Maximilian's usurpation were no less emphatic than his own. The surrender of Arguelles to the punishment due the crime and infamy of the slave-trader, though not absolutely required by any treaty of extradition, was bitterly denounced by some of the "Radicals," while the great majority of those thus designating themselves, would have still more vehemently demurred at the "Conservatism" which could for a moment hesitate to give up the criminal. Some affecting "Radicalism" even joined the Opposition cry against military trials, the suppression of treasonable papers, summary arrests, and the silencing of orators endeavoring to demoralize the army and to incite insurrection in a time of great national peril. In some instances, beyond doubt, the same parties who made these proceedings a ground of complaint against Mr. Lincoln, would have declaimed against him

for a want of vigor, had he been less zealous to preserve the nation, by the exercise of the war power as necessity required.

Much of the newspaper correspondence, as if some secret influence were working to pervert the utterances of the hour, as in the case of the army correspondence in the days of the Peninsula campaign, was made up with less regard for scrupulous veracity than for the opportunity of starting a new preju dice, or of confirming an old one, to the injury of the President. An important feature would be wanting, were this fact ignored. Paragraphs were constantly appearing in the spirit of the following, taken from the Washington dispatches to the New York Tribune, under date of May 24, 1864:

MR. CHASE ON ARBITRARY ARRESTS.-The subject of arbitrary arrests was incidentally discussed in Cabinet council to-day. Mr. Chase manfully denounced them. The suppression of the New York papers, and extradition of Arguelles were both condemned by him as devoid of policy and wanting law. The defense of these measures was more irritable than logical and assured.

It is unimportant to contradict any such statements, except to illustrate the wantonness of this apparently organized system for undermining the popular attachment to Mr. Lincoln. But, in fact, this dispatch was sheer fiction throughout. No such matter was discussed at the Cabinet council named, nor was Mr. Chase himself present, having for months habitually absented himself from such meetings. It may be doubted, even, whether he entertained the views thus attributed to him, or was grateful for this apparent attempt to commend him to the good will of "Copperhead" malignants. But where abuse and perversion were demanded of professional correspondents, the columns waiting for such material would not be empty.

It was in spite of all these disadvantages, of the military situation, of partizan intrigue, of Congressional disaffection, and of manifold personal discontents among influential men who were personally passed by, or whose counsels had not been implicitly regarded in the dispensation of patronage, that the people, almost by a spontaneous uprising, demanded the re-nomination of Mr. Lincoln as the Union candidate for the

Presidency. In disregard of passionate appeals, through cir culars, letters, central clubs, and peripatetic agents, the popular current set with unmistakable preponderance in one direction. Secretary Chase declined a further use of his name as a Presidential candidate. As a last resort, many voices clamored for a postponement of the national convention. This body had been called to meet at Baltimore on the 7th day of June, 1864, three weeks later than the date at which the like convention had assembled in 1860. There was not even a plausible reason for wishing a later day, unless from the hope of a change in the popular current. The efforts to secure a postponement having failed, the now dwindling remnant of "Radical" opposition decided to meet at Cleveland one week earlier, and to present nominations in advance of those to be made at Baltimore. This they did, using the name so familiarized by the canvass of 1856. But that was no longer a name to conjure by. The Cleveland convention, which threatened for an hour to secure a Democratic success, scarcely produced a ripple on the surface of national politics.

As indicated in previous pages, fourteen States had declared, either through their legislatures or popular conventions, a decided preference for Mr. Lincoln's re-nomination. Before the assembling of the convention, the popular will was too clear to admit of any doubt as to the result on that point. The call for the national convention was addressed to "all qualified voters who desire the unconditional maintenance of the Union, the supremacy of the Constitution, and the complete suppression of the existing rebellion, with the cause thereof, by vigorous war, and all apt and efficient means," inviting their participation in the choice of delegates. Each State was to be represented by a number equal to twice its electoral vote.

The key-note of the convention may be said to have been given by the Rev. Dr. R. J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, who was selected as the temporary presiding officer. This distinguished gentleman had been chosen as a delegate by the Kentucky State convention, after assuring that body that he would only accept the trust on condition of being instructed to vote "first, last, and all the time for Abraham Lincoln."

Dr. Breckinridge's declaration of his life-long conviction of the evil and wrong of slavery, and his earnest desire for its extinction throughout the land, was received with such applause as showed an entire harmony of feeling in regard to eradicating the "cause" of the rebellion. But scarcely less emphatic was the applause which had previously greeted him when he said.

In the first place, nothing can be more plain than the fact that you are here as the representatives of a great nation-voluntary representatives chosen without forms of law, but as really representing the feelings, the principles, and if you choose, the prejudices of the American people, as if it were written in laws and already passed by votos-for the man that you will nominate here for the Presidency of the United States, and ruler of a great people in a great crisis, is just as certain, I suppose, to become that ruler, as anything under heaven is certain before it is done. And, moreover, you will allow me to say though, perhaps, it is hardly strictly proper that I should-but as far as I know your opinions, I suppose it is just as certain now, before you utter it, whose name you will utter, and which will be responded to from one end to the other of this nation, as it will be after it has been uttered and recorded by your secretary. Docs any man doubt that this convention intends to say that Abraham Lincoln shall be the nomiKee? [Great applause.]

Ex-Governor William Dennison, of Ohio, was chosen permanent President of the Convention. Delegates were admitted from such of the Territories as had sent them, and from the District of Columbia. Questions arose in regard to the admission of delegates from Tennessee, Louisiana, Arkansas and Virginia; (West Virginia was duly represented;) and there were two contesting delegations from Missouri, representing the two parties there, already referred to. The Convention admitted the "Radical" delegation, with almost entire unanimity. The delegates from Tennessee, Louisiana and Arkansas were cor. dially received. The Virginia delegation was excluded.

On the ballot for the Presidential candidate, Mr. Lincoln received every vote in the convention, with the single exception of the delegation from Missouri, whose vote was changed, making the nomination unanimous. The joyous demonstrations with which this announcement was received in the veri