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restoring a legitimate civil authority. Arkansas, less exposed to military invasions, and apparently weary of a rebellion reluctantly joined, resumed almost at once the civil functions of a State, abolishing slavery, and repudiating secession.

The national Executive was ready to extend his cordial support to the movements thus diversely organized, according to the circumstances, in these three States, as he had done to those in Virginia and Missouri. All were proceeding on the same substantial principle, yet Congress, through the opposition of a sufficient number of Republican Union members to break the Administration majority, turned back from its former policy, and disappointed the hopes which the President, adhering to the course heretofore approved, had properly encouraged. It is not strange that this opposition should come to be regarded as either factious or visionary. Different reasons were assigned for this conduct. Honest differences of opinion undeniably existed. It is also manifest that a positive element of this opposition, which endeavored to find a nucleus in the local “Radicalism ” of Missouri, and materials for coalescence in every kind of discontent existing among adherents of the dominant party was something aside from mere zealous patriotism.

An issuc was raised in the House of Representatives on the Monroc doctrine, by a “Radical” member who very well knew that Mr Lincoln's views of Maximilian's usurpation were no less emphatic than his own. The surrender of Argue'les to the punishment due the crime and infamy of the slave-trader, though not absolutely required by any treaty of extradition, was bitterly denounced by some of the “Radicals," while the great majority of thoso thus designating themselves, would have still more vchemently demurred at the “Conservatism" which could for a moment hesitate to give up the criminal. Some affecting “Radicalism" even joined the Opposition cry against military trials, the suppression of treasonable papers, summary arrests, and the silencing of orators endeavoring to demoralize the army and to incite insurrection in a time of great national peril. In some instances, beyond doubt, the same parties who made these proceedings a ground of complaint against Mr. Lincoln, would have declaimed against him

for a want of vigor, had he been less zealous to preserve the nation, by the exercise of the war power as necessity required.

Much of the newspaper correspondence, as if some secret influence were working to pervert the utterances of the hour, as in the case of the army correspondence in the days of the Peninsula campaign, was made up with less regard for scrupulous veracity than for the opportunity of starting a new prejudice, or of confirming an old one, to the injury of the Presi. dent. An important feature would be wanting, were this fact ignored. Paragraphs were constantly appearing in the spirit of the following, taken from the Washington dispatches to the New York Tribune, under date of May 24, 1864:

MR. CHASE ON ARBITRARY ARRESTS.—The subject of arbitrary arrests was incidentally discussed in Cabinet council to-day. Mr. Chase manfully denounced them. The suppression of the New York papers, and extradition of Arguelles were both condemned by him as devoid of policy and wanting law. The defense of these measures was more irritable than logical and assured.

It is unimportant to contradict any such statements, except to illustrate the wantonness of this apparently organized system for undermining the popular attachment to Mr. Lincoln. But, in fact, this dispatch was sheer fiction throughout. No: such matter was discussed at the Cabinet council named, nor was Mr. Chase himself present, laviug for months habitually absented himself from such meetings. It may be doubted, even, whether he entertained the views thus attributed to him, or was grateful for this apparent attempt to commend him to the good will of “Copperhead ” malignants. But where abuse and perversion were demanded of professional correspondents, the columns waiting for such material would not be empty.

It was in spite of all these disadvantages, of the military situation, of partizan intrigue, of Congressional disaffection, and of manifold personal discontents among ivfluential wen who were personally passed by, or whose counsels had not been implicitly regarded in the dispensation of patronage, that the people, almost by a spontaneous uprising, demanded the re-nomination of Mr. Lincoln as the Union candidate for the

Presidency. In disregard of passionate appeals, through cir. culars, letters, central clubs, and peripatetic agents, the popular current set with unmistakable preponderance in one direction. Secretary Chase declined a further use of his name as a Presidential candidate. As a last resort, many voices clamored for a postponement of the national convention. This body had been called to meet at Baltimore on the 7th day of June, 1864, three weeks later than the date at which the like convention lad assembled in 1860. There was not even a plausible reason for wishing a later day, unless from the bope of a change in the popular current. The efforts to secure a postponement having failed, the now dwindling remnant of “Radical” opposition decided to meet at Cleveland one week earlier, and to present nominations in advance of those to be made at Baltimore. This they did, using the name so familiarized by the canvass of 1856. But that was no longer a name to conjure by. The Cleveland convention, which threatened for an hour to secure a Democratic success, scarcely produced a ripple on the surface of national politics.

As indicated in previous pages, fourteen States had declared, either through their legislatures or popular conventions, a decided preference for Mr. Lincoln's re-nomination. Before the assembling of the convention, the popular will was too clear to admit of any doubt as to the result on that point. The call for the national convention was addressed to "all qualified roters who desire the unconditional maintenance of the Union, the supremacy of the Constitution, and the complete suppression of the existing rebellion, with the cause thereof, by vigorous war, and all apt and efficient means," inviting their participation in the choice of delegates. Each State was to be represented by a number equal to twice its electoral vote.

The kcy-note of the convention may be said to have been given by the Rev. Dr. R. J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, who was selected as the temporary presiding officer. This distinguished gentleman had been chosen as a delegate by the Kentucky State convention, after assuring that body that he would only accept the trust on condition of being instructed to vote “first, last, and all the time for Abraham Lincoln."

Dr. Breckinridge's declaration of his life-long conviction of the evil and wrong of slavery, and his earnest desire for its extinction throughout the land, was received with such applause as showed an entire harmony of feeling in regard to eradicating the “cause" of the rebellion. But scarcely less emphatic was the applause which had previously greeted him when he said.

In the first place, nothing can be more plain than the fact that you are here as the representatives of a great nation-voluntary representatives chosen without forms of laiv, but as really representing the feelings, the principles, and if you choose, the prejudices of the American people, as if it were written in laws and already passed by votos-for the man that you will nominate here for the Presidency of the United States, and ruler of a great people in a great crisis, is just as certain, I suppose, to become that ruler, as anything under heaven is certain before it is done. And, moreover, you will allow me to say—though, perhaps, it is hardly strictly proper that I should—but as far as I know your opinions, I suppose it is just as certain now, before you utter it, whose name you will utter, and which will be responded to from one end to the other of this nation, as it will be after it has been uttered and recordcd by your secretary. Does any man doubt that this convention intends to say that Abraham Lincoln shall be the nominec? [Great applausc.]

Ex-Governor William Dennison, of Ohio, was chosen permanent President of the Convention. Delegates were admitted from such of the Territories as had sent them, and from the District of Columbia. Questions arose in regard to the admission of delegates from Tennessee, Louisiana, Arkansas and Virginia ; (West Virginia was duly represented ;) and there were two contesting delegations from Missouri, representing the two parties there, already referred to. The Convention adı the “Radical” delegation, with almost entire unanimity. The delegates from Tennessee, Louisiana and Arkansas were cor. dially received. The Virginia delegation was excluded.

On the ballot for the Presidential candidate, M:. Lincoln received every vote in the convention, with the single cxception of the delegation from Missouri, whose vote was changed, making the nomination unanimous. The joyous demonstrations with which this announcement was received in the veri.

table city of Baltimore, only three years before so hostile, and not yet free from slavery, were in keeping with the general satisfaction felt throughout the country, at the consummation of this expected result.

The ballot on the nomination of Vice President stood, before any changes, as follows: Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, 200; Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, 145; Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York, 113; B. F. Butler, of Massachusetts, 28; Lovell H. Rousseau, of Kentucky, 21; all others, 12. The States of Ohio, Indiana, Iowa, Tennessee, Arkansas, West Virginia, Delaware and Connecticut, voted unitedly for Gov. Johnson. A majority of the votes of New York and Vermont were also cast in the same direction. A sufficient number of votes were at once changed to give a majority to Andrew Johnson, and he was unanimously declared the nominee for Vice President.

The following resolutions were adopted by the convention:

THE BALTIMORE PLATFORM, 1864. Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen to maintain against all their enemies tho integrity of the Union and the paramount authority of the Constitution and the laws of the United States ; and that, laying aside all differences and political opinions, wo pledge ourselves as Union men, animated by a common sentiment, and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power to aid the Government in quelling, by force of arms, the rebellion now raging against its authority, and in bringing to the punishment, due to their crimes, the rebels and traitors arrayed against it.

Resolved, That we approve the determination of the Govern. ment of the United States not to compromise with rebels, or to offer them any terms of peace except such as may be based upon an "unconditional surrender” of their hostility and a return to their just allegiance to the Constitution and the laws of the United States; and that we call upon the Government to maintain this position and to prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression of the rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrifices, the patriotism, the heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the American people to their country and its free institutions.

Resolved, That as Slavery was the cause and now constitutes the strength of this rebellion, and as it must be always and 'everywhere hostile to the principles of republican government,

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