Opening of Parliament-Debates on the Peace-Abbot elected SOON after the signature of the Preliminaries, Mr. Pitt Mr. Pitt to Mr. Rose. Park Place, Oct. 26, 1801. Dear Rose,-I received your letter yesterday morning, just as I was setting out from Walmer. All the sentiments it states are precisely those which I feel, and in which, I think, all moderate and dispassionate men will concur; but I fear there are some of our friends who will not be found to be of that number. I am very glad that you have determined to come up, and, if it will really be no inconvenience to you to be in town on Wednesday, I shall be much obliged to you, as there are many points connected with finance on which I wish much to converse with you, and on which I have some large projects in my mind. Ever sincerely yours, W. PITT. Parliament was opened by the King in person. His Majesty announced in due form both the pacification with the Northern Powers, and the preliminaries of a treaty with France. This last arrangement would, he said, manifest the justice and moderation of his views, and would also, as he trusted, be found conducive to the interest of his subjects. Very little debate ensued on this first evening. In the Lords there was only the Duke of Bedford, besides the mover and the seconder of the Address. In the Commons the speakers were many, but the speeches short. Every one desired to reserve himself for a fuller discussion on a future day. Mr. Fox said that, whatever difference there might be as to the terms of peace, or the manner of concluding it, he most cordially joined in the general joy and exultation to which it had given rise. Mr. Pitt, who rose next, spoke much to the same effect. I see both these treaties,' he said, upon the whole with great satisfaction. Whatever criticism may be applied to inferior parts of these great transactions, they are on the whole such as afford great joy to the country, and entitle the Government which concluded them to esteem and thanks.' 6 Nor could Mr. Windham, who followed, altogether refrain from urging his extreme-may we not venture to call them extravagant?-opinions. Sir, I speak from the bottom of my heart and with the solemnity of a death-bed declaration (a situation much resembling that in which we all stand), when I declare that my hon. friends who, in a moment of rashness and weakness, fatally put their hands to this treaty, have signed the death-warrant of their country. They have given it a blow under which it may languish for a few years, but from which I do not conceive how it is possible for it ever to recover.' On the 3rd of November there was moved in both Houses an Address to the King in approval of the peace. Among the Peers, Lord Grenville stated his objections fully and forcibly, as did also Lords Spencer and Fitzwilliam in few words. But on dividing, there were only 10 votes against 114. In the Commons, Mr. Windham was prevented by indisposition from attending, but next day, on the Report, he delivered a most ingenious and 1802 DEBATES ON THE PEACE. 35 eloquent speech. So adverse was, however, the feeling of the House, that with all the boldness of Windham, he wisely forbore to call for a division. In the debate upon the 3rd both Pitt and Fox spoke in full detail, expressing, though on separate grounds, their approval of the peace. For my own part,' said Mr. Pitt, I have no hesitation to declare that I would rather close with an enemy upon terms short even of the fair pretensions of the country, provided they were not inconsistent with honour and security, than continue the contest for any particular possession. With respect to the island of Minorca, I entirely concur in the opinion of my Noble Friend (Lord Hawkesbury) that it will always belong to the Power which possesses the greatest maritime strength. The experience of the last four wars proves the justice of this observation. . I cannot help expressing my regret that circumstances were such as to prevent us from retaining a place so important in many points of view as the island of Malta. . . . But would the acquisition of all these islands have enabled us to counterbalance the power which France has acquired on the Continent? They would only give us a little more wealth; but a little more wealth would be badly purchased by a little more war.' 'We have at least'-so in a different part of his speech Mr. Pitt proceeded-'we have the satisfaction of knowing that we have survived the violence of the revolutionary fever, and that we have seen the extent of its principles abated. We have seen Jacobinism deprived of its fascination; we have seen it stripped of the name and pretence of liberty. It has shown itself to be capable only of destroying, not of building, and with a military despotism as its necessary end. I trust this important lesson will not be thrown away upon the world.' The two Houses continued to sit until the 15th of December. They had not, however, much business be fore them after their approval of the peace; and the popularity of that peace was now giving strength to the new administration. Thus on the 1st of the month does Wilberforce describe the scene: Opposition is melting away manifestly. Grey gone out of town. Tierney has declared himself friendly. Erskine and Lord Moira ditto. Only Fox and Sheridan still where they were. Pitt supports most magnanimously, and assists in every way. Addington goes on well, is honest and respectable, and improves in speaking. Little or nothing to do in the House.' At this time, however, Wilberforce was intent on renewing, with better hopes since the pacification, his onset on the Slave Trade. We may learn from his own letters, and it is very remarkable, that Pitt was the person who first devised that scheme of Slave Trade treaties on which his successors acted. For thus writes Wilberforce to Addington; Whenever we do abolish for ourselves and alone, we leave our share of the Trade to be seized on by other countries; and though we shall have then done our duty, however tardily, the benefit to Africa will be infinitely less than if all the European Powers were to abolish by common consent, and agree to set on foot-an idea of Pitt's, I think-a judicious system for repairing the wrongs and promoting the civilisation of that much-injured continent.'' Two other letters of this period which I here subjoin will explain themselves. The Bishop of Lincoln to Mr. Rose. Deanery, St. Paul's, Dec. 23, 1801. My dear Sir, I remained in town till the 14th, and then went with Mr. Pitt to Cambridge. On the 16th, after dining at a great feast in Trinity College Hall, we went to Buckden, and he left us on the 19th. I did not receive your very interesting letter till I reached Buckden; and the short time I was there I was so occupied by company and business Life by his Sons, vol. iii. p. 32. 1802 CORRESPONDENCE. 37 (having an Ordination on the 20th), that I really had not leisure to write to you. I set out from Buckden yesterday, and came hither this morning. I saw very little of Mr. Pitt while I was in town. He was a day or two at Lord Hawkesbury's, and then he went to Holwood. When he was in town he was engaged every day to dinner. I scarcely know why, but I could not bring myself to enter upon any of those important subjects on which I knew I should differ from him as we went along in the carriage; and I felt almost an equal reluctance when he was at Buckden. However, in the last walk we took on Friday, we fell insensibly into politics, and he talked with his usual openness and good temper. I expressed very decidedly my opinion concerning the insufficiency of the present administration, especially upon subjects of finance, and reprobated the dangerous tendency of that spirit of candour and conciliation which had hitherto marked his conduct to Mr. A. I endeavoured to prove to him that he would materially injure his own character if he continued upon his present intimate footing with Mr. A., and if he abstained from declaring his opinion upon the measures which he really disapproved. I told him that such a line of conduct appeared to me a betrayal of the interests of his country. I mentioned the pains which had been taken, and which were still continued, to lower him in the estimation of the public; and I ventured to say that his present conduct was precisely what his enemies wished and his friends could not approve. I am willing to think that I made some impression upon him. He owned that the opening of the distilleries was 'perfectly absurd.' He said that if the peace establishment should not be settled as he wished, or that one or two certain measures of finance should not be adopted, he would certainly declare his opinion in Parliament. He seemed to think it not impossible but this opportunity might be afforded him. Upon the Catholic question our conversation was less satisfactory. He certainly looks forward to the time when he may carry that point; and I fear he does not wish to take office again unless he could be permitted to bring it forward, and to be properly supported. I endeavoured to convince him that he had been deceived by those on whom he relied on this question, as far as Ireland itself was concerned, and that the measure would be very unpopular in England. |