special Message, I recommended to Con-ed and organized forces in the field, but to gress the adoption of a joint resolution, to display such an overwhelming strength as be substantially as follows: Resolved, That the United States ought to cooperate with any State which may adopt gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion, to compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system.' "The resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by large majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, definite, and solemn proposal of the Nation to the States and people most interested in the subject-matter. To the people of these States now, I mostly appeal. I do not argue-I beseech you to make the arguments for yourselves. You can not, if you would, be blind to the signs of the times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration of them, ranging, if it may be, far above partisan and personal politics. "This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no reproaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The change it contemplates would come gently as the dews of Heaven, not rending or wrecking any thing. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been done by one effort in all past time, as, in the Providence of God, it is now your high privilege to do. May the vast future not have to lament that you have neglected it! "In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed. "Done at the city of Washington this 19th day of May, in the year of our Lord 1862, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. "(Signed) ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "By the President: "W. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.". Contrary to a very general impression, Gen. McClellan was among the first not only to perceive, but to assert, that the Rebellion was essentially a slaveholders' enterprise, and that it might be effectively assailed through Slavery. Thus, in his Memorandum privately addressed to the President, Aug. 4th, 1861, when he had but just taken command of the Army of the Potomac, he says: "In this contest, it has become necessary to crush a population sufficiently numerous, intelligent, and warlike, to constitute a nation. We have not only to defeat their arm will convince all our antagonists, especially those of the governing aristocratic class, of the utter impossibility of resistance. Our late reverses make this course imperative. Had we been successful in the recent battle [first Bull Run], it is possible that we might have been spared the labor and expense of a great effort; now, we have no alternative. Their success will enable the political leaders of the Rebels to convince the mass of their people that we are inferior to them in force and courage, and to command all their resources. The contest began with a class; now it is with a people; our military success can alone restore the former issue." After suggesting various military movements, including one down the Mississippi, as required to constitute a general advance upon the strongholds of the Rebellion, he proceeds: "There is another independent movement which has often been suggested, and which has always recommended itself to my judgment. I refer to a movement from Kansas and Nebraska, through the Indian Texas, for the purpose of protecting and Territory, upon Red river and western developing the latent Union and Free-State sentiment, well known to predominate in western Texas; and which, like a similar sentiment in Western Virginia, will, if protected, ultimately organize that section into a Free State." In view of these sensible and pertinent suggestions, it is impossible not to feel that Gen. McClellan's naturally fair though not brilliant mind was subjected, during his long sojourn thereafter in Washington, to sinister political influences and the whispered appeals and tempting suggestions of a selfish and sordid ambition. During that Fall and Winter, his house was thronged with partisans of the extreme "Peace" wing of the Democratic party, who must have held out to him the golden lure of the Presidency as the reward of a forbearing, temporizing, procrastinating policy, which would exhaust the resources and chill the ardor of the North, in enormous preparations and fruitless undertakings, until the conjoint pressure of Conscription and Taxation, the impossibility of further borrowing, and the heart-sickness of hope deferred, should impel a majority to acquiesce in any adjustment or compromise that would restore Peace to the country. Such seems the only plausible explanation of his timid and dawdling military policy, his habitual doubling or trebling of the Rebel force confronting him, and of the signal incoherence and inconsequence, especially with regard to Slavery and negroes, of the lecture which, directly after his retreat from the Chickahominy to the James had been consummated, he found time to indite or at least to transcribe and dispatch-to his perplexed and sorely tried superior. It is as follows: "HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, CAMP NEAR HARRISON'S LAnding, Va., July 7, 1862. I can "MR. PRESIDENT: You have been fully informed that the Rebel army is in the front, with the purpose of overwhelming us by attacking our position or reducing us by blocking our river communications. not but regard our condition as critical; and I earnestly desire, in view of possible contingencies, to lay before your excellency, for your private consideration, my general views concerning the existing state of the Rebellion, although they do not strictly relate to the situation of this army, or strictly come within the scope of my official duties. These views amount to convictions, and are deeply impressed upon my mind and heart. Our cause must never be abandoned; it is the cause of free institutions and self-government. The Constitution and the Union must be preserved, whatever may be the cost in time, treasure, and blood. If Secession is successful, other dissolutions are clearly to be seen in the future. Let neither military disaster, political faction, nor foreign war, shake your settled purpose to en'force the equal operation of the laws of the United States upon the people of every State. "The time has come when the Government must determine upon a civil and military policy, covering the whole ground of our national trouble. "The responsibility of determining, declaring, and supporting such civil and milicourse of national affairs in regard to the tary policy, and of directing the whole Rebellion, must now be assumed and exerConstitution gives you power, even for the cised by you, or our cause will be lost. The present terrible exigency. "This Rebellion has assumed the characand it should be conducted upon the highest ter of a war; as such it should be regarded; principles known to Christian civilization. It should not be a war looking to the subjuevent. It should not be at all a war upon gation of the people of any State, in any populations but against armed forces and tion of property, political executions of perpolitical organizations. Neither confiscasons, territorial organization of States, nor forcible abolition of Slavery, should be con templated for a moment. "In prosecuting the war, all private property and unarmed persons should be strictly protected, subject only to the necessity of military operations; all private property taken for military use should be paid or receipted for; pillage and waste should be pass sternly prohibited, and offensive detreated as high crimes; all unnecessary tresmeanor by the military toward citizens promptly rebuked. Military arrests should not be tolerated, except in places whereo active hostilities exist; and oaths, not required by enactments, constitutionally made, should be neither demanded nor received. Military government should be confined to the preservation of public order and the protection of political right. Military power should not be allowed to interfere with the relations of servitude, either by supporting or impairing the authority of the master, except for repressing disorder, as in other cases. the act of Congress, seeking military proSlaves, contraband, under tection, should receive it. The right of the Government to appropriate permanently to its own service claims to slave labor should be asserted, and the right of the owner to compensation therefor should be recognized. This principle might be extended, upon grounds of military necessity and security, to all the slaves of a particular State, thus working manumission in such State; and in Missouri, perhaps in Western Virginia also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expediency of such a measure is only a question of time. A system of policy thus constitutional, and pervaded by the influences of Christianity and freedom, would receive the support of almost all truly loyal men, would deeply impress the Rebel masses and all foreign nations, and it might be humbly hoped that it would commend itself to the favor of the Almighty. MR. GREELEY TO THE PRESIDENT. 249 "Unless the principles governing the fu- | and power over his slaves, or it will ture conduct of our struggle shall be made be seriously impaired-nay, utterly known and approved, the effort to obtain requisite forces will be almost hopeless. A defied and overthrown. In "redeclaration of radical views, especially upon pressing" the "disorder" certain to Slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our present armies. The policy of the Government arise in the premises, the commander must be supported by concentration of mili- must inevitably decide which to suptary power. The national forces should not be dispersed in expeditions, posts of occupaport-the master's assertion of aution, and numerous armies, but should be thority, or the slave's claim to liberty. mainly collected into masses, and brought "Political rights" can receive “proto bear upon the armies of the Confederate States. Those armies thoroughly defeated, tection" only when it has been dethe political structure which they support termined where the right lies. The shadowed in Missouri, West Virginia, "manumission," which Gen. M. foreand Maryland, was not merely “a question of time.' It was a question of power as well; since he plainly contemplated its achievement, not by popular action, but by military force. Paying the "owner" might, indeed, modify his wrath; but could not affect the fundamental question of authority and right. would soon cease to exist. "In carrying out any system of policy which you may form, you will require a commander-in-chief of the army, one who possesses your confidence, understands your views, and who is competent to execute your orders, by directing the military forces of the nation to the accomplishment of the objects by you proposed. I do not ask that place for myself. I am willing to serve you in such position as you may assign me, and I will do so as faithfully as ever subordinate served superior. "I may be on the brink of eternity; and, as I hope forgiveness from my Maker, I have written this letter with sincerity toward you and from love for my country. Very respectfully, "Your obedient servant, 28 A letter addressed to the President some weeks after this, entitled "The Prayer of Twenty Millions," and exhorting Mr. Lincoln-not to proclaim all the slaves in our country free, but to execute the laws of the land which operated to free large classes of the slaves of Rebels-concludes as follows: "On the face of this wide earth, Mr. Presi “GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN, "Maj.-Gen. Commanding. "His Excellency A. LINCOLN, President." If Gen. M. had been asked to reconcile the precepts of this letter regarding Slavery-how "the relations of servitude," for example, could be preserved in a district subject to "military power," without a distinct recognition and support of those "re- dent, there is not one disinterested, determined, intelligent champion of the Union lations" by the military authority cause who does not feel that all attempts to there dominant; or in what manner put down the Rebellion, and at the same he would have "disorder" repressed, terous and futile-that the Rebellion, if time uphold its inciting cause, are preposwhen it was caused by the slave's as- crushed out to-morrow, would be renewed serting his right to control his own within a year if Slavery were left in full actions and the master's resisting it this day devoted to Slavery, can at best be vigor-that army officers, who remain to -he might have answered ingen- but half-way loyal to the Union-and that iously, but to what purpose? Mani-hour of added and deepened peril to the every hour of deference to Slavery is an festly, the ruling authority, whether civil or military, must either support the slaveholder's claim of property in 28 Aug. 19 Union. I appeal to the testimony of your 1862. viency of your policy to the slaveholding, Slavery-upholding interest, is not the perplexity, the despair, of statesmen of all parties; and be admonished by the general answer! | "I close as I began, with the statement that what an immense majority of the loyal millions of your countrymen require of you is a frank, declared, unqualified, ungrudging execution of the laws of the land, more especially of the Confiscation Act. That act gives freedom to the slaves of Rebels coming within our lines, or whom those lines may at any time inclose-we ask you to render it due obedience by publicly requiring all your subordinates to recognize and obey it. The Rebels are everywhere using the late anti-negro riots in the North -as they have. long used your officers' treatment of negroes in the South-to convince the slaves that they have nothing to hope from a Union success-that we meanin that case to sell them into a bitter bondage to defray the cost of the war. Let them impress this as a truth on the great mass of their ignorant and credulous bondmen, and the Union will never be restored -never. We can not conquer ten millions of people united in solid phalanx against us, powerfully aided by Northern sympathizers and European allies. We must have scouts, guides, spies, cooks, teamsters, diggers, and choppers, from the Blacks of the South-whether we allow them to fight for us or not-or we shall be baffled and repelled. As one of the millions who would gladly have avoided this struggle at any sacrifice but that of principle and honor, but who now feel that the triumph of the Union is indispensable not only to the existence of our country, but to the well-being of mankind, I entreat you to render a hearty and unequivocal obedience to the law of the land. Yours, HORACE GREELEY." erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them. "If there be any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not now and here argue against them. "If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always supposed to be right. "As to the policy I seem to be pursuing,' as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it in the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored, the nearer the Union will be the Union as it was. "If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time save Slavery, I do not agree with them; "If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy Slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or destroy Slavery. "If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it-if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do itand if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. "What I do about Slavery and the Colored Race, I do because I believe it helps to save this Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. "I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause; and I shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the cause. "I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and I shall adopt new views The President-very unexpectedso fast as they shall appear to be true views. "I have here stated my purpose accordly-replied to this appeal by tele-ing to my views of official duty; and I inpersonal wish that all men everywhere could tend no modification of my oft-expressed be free. graph in order, doubtless, to place before the public matter deemed by him important, and which had prohably been prepared for issue before the receipt of the letter to which he thus obliquely responded: "EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, Aug. 22, 1862. S "DEAR SIR: I have just read yours of the 19th instant, addressed to myself through "Hon. HoRace GreeleY : The New York Tribune. "If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may know to be Yours, A. LINCOLN." Many others called on or wrote to the President about this time, urging him to action in the spirit of Mr. Greeley's letter. He heard all with courtesy, suggesting objections that were not intended for conclusions, but rather to indicate and enforce the grave importance of the topic, the peril of making a mistake upon it, and the difficulty of reaching the MR. LINCOLN TO THE EMANCIPATIONISTS. Blacks with any proffer of Freedom. | The slaveholders-especially those in the loyal States-would all hear of it forthwith, and be influenced by it; the slaves in the disloyal States would receive all tidings of it through hostile channels from those interested in deceiving and misleading them with regard to it. Even if correctly and promptly advised, what could they do? Bayonets glittered on every side; arms were borne by nearly every able-bodied White; while the Blacks could oppose to these but their empty (and shackled) hands. What good, then, could be secured by an Abolition policy? "It is a Pope's bull against the comet," suggested the President. "It will unite the South and divide the North," fiercely clamored the entire Opposition. So the President-habitually cautious, dilatory, reticent-hesitated, and demurred, and resisted-possibly after he had silently resolved that the step must finally be taken. 29 Mr. Lincoln was soon visited, among others, by a deputation from the various Protestant denominations of Chicago, Illinois, charged with the duty of urging on him the adoption of a more decided and vigorous policy of Emancipation. He listened to the reading of their memorial, and responded in substance as follows: I "The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance: the other day, four gentlemen of standing and intelligence from New York called as a delegation on business connected with the war; but before leaving two of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general Emancipation; upon which the other two at once attacked them. You know also that the last session of Congress had a decided majority of anti-Slavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy. And the same is true of the religious people. Why, the Rebel soldiers are praying with a ! 251 great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our Constitution in the Rebel States? Is there a of Rebel masters who come within our Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from reducing the Blacks to Slavery again; for I am told that whenever the Rebels take any Black prisoners, free or slave, they immediately auction them off! They did so with those they took from a boat that was aground in the Tennessee river a few days ago. And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it! For instance, when, after the late battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from Washington, under a flag of truce, to bury the dead and bring in the wounded, and the Rebels seized the Blacks who went along to help, and sent them into Slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the Government would probably do nothing about it. What could I do? "Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand: I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as Commander-in-chief of the army and navy |