CHAPTER VI.

MR. LINCOLN INAUGURATED.

His Speeches on the Journey to Washington, and the Light they Throw on His Character-The Plot to Kill Him on the Way-The Inauguration-Mr. Buchanan's Character.

Such was the state of things when President Buchanan's administration was ending, and Mr. Lincoln was about to be inaugurated. Although there was so much disloyalty at the national capital, and such vindictive feeling in the border slave States-though none of them as yet had seceded it was hardly to be believed that any forcible resistance would be made to Mr. Lincoln's inauguration. To be sure it has been discovered since, that when Mr. Fremont was a candidate for the presidency, a plot was laid, had he been elected, to have Virginia seize the arms at Harper's Ferry and take possession of Washington, and prevent his ever entering upon that office. Still, as the time approached, rumors thickened, and trustworthy information showed that such an attempt would be made now. Marshal Kennedy of New York, though born in a slave State, was a true man, who, before the war broke out, had his suspicions aroused by the purchase of so many arms for the South that he finally seized them and refused to give them up in spite of threats. He sent two sets of detectives to Baltimore, and finally went there himself, where he was at home and well acquainted with Marshal Kane, who frankly told him that Mr. Lincoln was not to be allowed to pass through the city, and how it was to be prevented. Only twelve men were to be put on guard for his protection there, when he should pass through the city, while 1,400 were to be detailed

for that duty in New York. Mr. Felton, president of one of the railroads from Philadelphia to Baltimore, was also so impressed by the danger, that he employed Pinkerton and his detectives to find out the truth of the matter, which was reported to be this: That there were military organizations drilling along the road, pretending to be Union men, and offering their services to guard the road, but purposing to "burn the bridges, break up the road, and murder Mr. Lincoln on his way to Washington, if it turned out that he went there before troops were called out; but if the troops were first called out, then the bridges were to be destroyed, and Washington cut off and taken possession of by the South." General Scott also shared in these anxieties, so that he gathered in Washington, for the occasion, the few companies of United States troops at his command, and called out the volunteer companies of cavalry and riflemen of the district; the former to guard Mr. Lincoln's carriage, and the latter to be posted where they could watch the windows from which he might be fired upon as he passed; and when the time came he put himself personally in command, so that when asked why he "was not on the east portico to grace the ceremonial," replied that he "was where he belonged at such a time of danger." All this has been fully and carefully confirmed, as well as graphically narrated in its particulars in the late "History of Mr. Lincoln" by Messrs. Nicolay and Hay. The existence of such plots was proved at the time, so far as it could be proved by circumstantial evidence, while they were soon confirmed by the burning of the bridges and tearing up of the railroads at Baltimore, and all proved too true in tho subsequent barbarities of the war and the final assassination of Mr. Lincoln.

The manner in which Mr. Lincoln reached Washington, is an oft-told and thrilling story, but it sheds such light on the state of the times, and upon the character of this new

and comparatively unknown man, to whom such great interests were to be entrusted at such a critical time, that it must be referred to. Mr. Lincoln, his family and suit, left his home in Springfield, Ill., for Washington, the 11th of February, to be a fortnight on their journey, and arrive there some ten days before the inauguration. He had received many invitations from governors and State legislatures, mayors and city governments, committees of towns. and associations, tendering receptions without party distinction, and while obliged to decline many of them, like that from Massachusetts, for lack of time, he did visit the capitals of Indiana, Ohio, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, besides Cincinnati, Cleveland, Pittsburg, Buffalo, New York and Philadelphia. At the capitals he was received by the legislatures, and replied to their addresses. In the large cities, like New York, the commercial capital of the country, and Philadelphia with its Independence hall, he was impressed by the great interests about to be committed to his charge, and stirred by motives that had inspired others to great achievements who were as human as himself. In his addresses he had a hard task before him, especially for one who was characterized by frankness, and trained to logical argument rather than to felicitous and complimentary speech. He must address those who were politically opposed to him and had voted against him, as well as those of his own party. On the borders of a slave State, as at Cincinnati, he must speak to those who were born in the midst of slavery, and had sympathy with those who upheld it, while they bitterly hated such as were trying to extend the system. And then, under the circumstances, he was not at liberty to announce fully what his own policy and that of his administration was to be, which all the country was chiefly anxious to find out. He must listen till the last moment to every suggestion and criticism of both friends and foes, and then in his

inaugural announce to an anxious world the principles and policy to which he and his administration were to be pledged. Sometimes he expressed little more than thanks for the courtesies shown him, and shown not to him personally, but as chosen to represent and carry out the will of the people in the administration of the government. Sometimes, as at Indianapolis, he did little else than question his audience as to the meaning of "coercion" and "invasion," and when they might be justifiable, and closed saying: "Fellow citizens, I am not asserting anything, I am merely asking questions for you to consider." At another time, in Cincinnati, he expressed his kind feelings towards the people of Kentucky, who must have been well represented, both as citizens and as visitors, and hoped that "for centuries to come there might be seen, once every four years, what they saw, the people, without distinction of party, giving such a reception to the constitutionally elected President of the whole United States." He told them, in answer to the question which they would be asking: "How they were to be treated," "We mean to treat you as near as we possibly can, as Washington, and Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, and as good as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly." And then touched with the remembrance that this was his native State, he closes with this appeal to them: "Fellow citizens of Kentucky, friends, brethren: May I call you such? In my new position I see no occasion and feel no inclination to retract a word of this. If it shall not be made good, be assured that the fault shall not be mine." At the capital of New Jersey, in addressing the Legislature, he said: "I learn that this body is composed of a majority of gentlemen who, in the exercise of their best judgment in the choice of a chief magistrate, did not think that I was the man. I understand, nevertheless, that they

came forward to greet me as the constitutionally elected President of the United States; as citizens of the United States, to meet the man who for the time being is the representative of the majority of the nation; united by the single purpose to perpetuate the Constitution, the Union, and the liberties of the people. As such I accept this reception more gratefully than I could do did I believe it were tendered to me as an individual." And here he added: "I shall do all that may be in my power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties. The man does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am, none who would do more to preserve it; but it may be necessary to put the foot down firmly. [Here the audience broke into cheers so loud and long, that for some moments it was impossible to hear Mr. Lincoln's voice.] And if I do my duty and do right, you will sustain me, will you not?" In his last speech in Independence hall, Philadelphia, after expressing the emotions excited by "the wisdom, patriotism, and devotion to principle" once gathered there, and "the sentiments embodied in that Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to all the world, for all future time," he gave utterance to a thought and a sentiment which the audience could not understand at the time, but which received its fearful meaning to all of us afterwards, when it became known what communications he had received the night before. It was there, and in that connection, speaking of the Declaration of Independence as giving equal rights to all, that he said: "If this country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on the spot than surrender it."

The day before, Mr. Felton, the railroad president, at Baltimore, Mr. Pinkerton, the head of the detectives employed there, and Mr. Judd of Chicago, one of Mr. Lincoln's personal and political friends, had all arrived in Phila