majority than had been concentrated upon one candidate in opposition to the Democratic party since 1849. The Legislature also by this election became largely Republican in both branches. His inauguration took place at New Haven. The State then had two capitals, one at New Haven and the other at Hartford, growing out of the fact that the State was made up of the two original colonies of New Haven and Connecticut. The election of State officers and members of the Legislature took place in April, and the Governor was inaugurated the first Wednesday in May. Occurring at this pleasant season of the year, the occasion became a State holiday, and the capitals vied with each other in making the pageant beautiful and imposing. Each city had its company of the Governor's Horse Guard and Foot Guard, dating back in their organization to colonial times, the First (Hartford) Company of the Foot Guards wearing the English Grenadier uniform of that period. More or less volunteer companies and State troops took part in the parade, and during the war, when regiments were being organized and sent into the field, and when some of them were returning, these were used to increase the display, so that no native of the State, who ever witnessed one of those parades, can fail to remember it pleasantly and with a thrill of patriotism. The Governor on horseback, in his citizen's suit of black, and distinguished by this and the simple rosette upon his hat, amid his well-mounted and brilliant military staff; the General also of the State troops with his own brilliant staff; the civil authorities and guests of the occasion in carriages; the long procession in motion with glittering arms and nodding plumes and inspiring music; the streets lined with people; the dooryards, steps, windows and every available place for observation, fluttering with flags and handkerchiefs, and the procession cheering as it passed, and all amid ringing bells and booming cannon; was a scene never to be forgotten by any Connec

ticut born man or woman. However far he might move away and settle, the mere mention of "Election Day" in Connecticut, would light up his face and warm his heart toward the State that bore him, and encourage him to help build up a "New Connecticut" elsewhere, whether on the shores of Lake Erie, or still further west. For with years and reflection, that "Election Day" would mean more than a mere gala day. It would represent the result of a popular election of the highest officers and legislators of the State, and the ready acquiescence of both parties and all parties in it. It would represent the military power as sub ordinate to the civil, and in the person of that citizen Governor, see soldiery recognizing in him their commander-in-chief, and never dreaming of aught but obedience. And it would represent also a state of society, and of public sentiment, where the people govern themselves, and look after all the great interests of the community, as well as stand ready to put down insurrection or sedition, and defend the general government in time of foreign or civil war.

After the parade was over, and the Legislature was organized, the two bodies met in convention to receive the Governor's Message. This message we give in part, as showing what he regarded as the great interests of the State, and also his attitude in regard to the great question which was then agitating the country, and was so soon to involve us in all the horrors of civil war.

MR. PRESIDent: Mr. SPEAKER AND GENTLEMEN OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY:

The Constitution of our State and the suffrages of our fellow citizens, have made it my duty to inform you of "the state of our Government, and to recommend to your consideration such measures as I shall deem expedient." This duty I shall now attempt to perform with proper brevity.

Legislation should be such as will tend to check crime; bring to speedy justice the violators of law; preserve the purity of the

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ballot-box; place in a desirable position public institutions; lead citizens to feel a stronger attachment to the National Union; give the greatest liberty under the restraints of law; and lead to the enactments of such statutes only as are based upon the Divine Law. Such legislation for our State will lead us to respect ourselves, entitle us to the esteem of the good, and give us an influence such as a people under our institutions and laws ought to exert.

After showing the condition of "public finances," recommending that they be controlled by the principles of "rigid economy, without parsimony," he treats of the common schools and the school fund; the State Normal school and the State Reform school; the condition and maintenance of the militia system; the provision that should be made for the idiotic, the insane, the blind, and the deaf and dumb. He next makes recommendations in regard to joint stock companies and railroad companies; and then, as has been said, considers quite at length the condition of the banks and their currency, and proposes a number of specific enactments which he deems necessary for the safety of these institutions and the security of the public. Then coming to national affairs, and the critical position in which the country stands, he takes his own stand, and where he would rally the State around him, as follows:

The question of slavery extension still agitates the mind and disturbs the peace of the nation, threatens the rights of the States and the best interests of the Union. This agitation has been renewed with every effort to extend the institution into the territories, or to shield it there under the constitution of our confederacy.

The passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and the effort to bring the people of Kansas under the government of a constitution which they have never approved, I regard as the immediate cause of the present agitation.

The chief executive officer of our national government has declared that slavery existed in Kansas at the time of the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, under the Constitution of the United States, and that Kansas is at this moment as much a slave state as Georgia or South Carolina. Take these declarations in connection with the use which the administration has made of the army of the United

States; with the disregard of the pledges of popular sovereignty, and to submit the question of slavery to the decision of the people of Kansas without any restriction or qualification, and in connection with the efforts which the administration has made to have that territory admitted into the Union as a State under the Lecompton Constitution, and we are not surprised that the minds of our citizens are filled with apprehension for the future peace and welfare of the nation. If the course which the administration has pursued on these subjects shall be regarded as a precedent for the future, it may cause questions to arise between the States and the national government, which will still more seriously disturb our tranquillity; questions having reference to the rights of the States and the powers of the government.

We look in vain to find a clause in the Constitution recognizing slavery in the territories. It exists in the States because it is the creature of local laws. If we go back to the formation of the general government, we find that the convention that framed the Constitution, and Congress, were in session at the same time. Questions which related to slavery perplexed and retarded the action of both bodies. But they acted in concert, and it was well understood that the provision in the Constitution for delivering up on claim persons held to service in one State and escaping into another, was made for the pur pose of satisfying those States which were not then in favor of taking measures to abolish slavery, and that in consideration of such provisions they conceded to the government the right to prohibit slavery in the common territories. At the very time the ordinance of 1787 was adopted by Congress, prohibiting involuntary servitude except for crime, in all the territories which belonged to the general government. This was regarded by all as a solemn compact which was to remain forever inviolable. For sixty years after that time the legislation of Congress recognized the existence of full constitutional powers to prohibit this institution in the territories. The doctrine that power to prohibit slavery carries with it the power to establish it, is of recent date, and in conflict with the views of those who partic ipated in the formation of the Federal government.

The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the effort made to establish slavery north of that line, in a territory which had been devoted to freedom, has opened the question of extending freedom south of that line, in a territory which had been devoted to slavery. The struggle now is to determine whether the Constitution which was ordained to establish liberty shall be perverted to establish slavery.

The agitation which this subject has caused is deeply to be regretted; but I do not believe it will cease until we shall "allow the States to regulate their own domestic institutions in their own way," cease to

use our federal powers to establish and extend the system of human bondage; return to and be governed by the principles upon which the government was founded. Then, and not till then, will the American people cease to agitate this subject, and peace be restored to our whole country.

I have endeavored to present these subjects without party prejudice. Parties rise and fall, and are forgotten, but principles involving our business and our civil liberty, rest not upon the changing foundation of political party. They are as enduring as eternal right. If the government of our State shall be administered upon these principles, it will secure the temporal prosperity of our people and lead them to appreciate more highly our common Christianity as the medium of our blessings and the foundation of our hopes.

New Haven, May 5, 1858.

WILLIAM A. BUCKINGHAM.

Governor Buckingham was re-elected in 1859. The administration of his office had made the people better acquainted with him, and seems to have increased their respect and confidence in him, so that when the State convention came together in January, he was readily renominated and in April elected. As showing the state of political parties, and where the strength of the Governor lay, the Springfield Republican says of the last State election:

"The cities and large towns of Connecticut are generally against the Republicans, except Norwich and New London. Hartford and New Haven are both Democratic, so are Middletown and Waterbury. New London and Windham counties constitute the Republican strongholds, and can give one thousand Republican majority. Litchfield county, eminently the agricultural region, with hills and iron ore, and the birthplace of the Beechers, comes next with five hundred Republican majority. The nominal Republican supremacy in the government is not so great as heretofore, but it never was held so firmly, with greater moral and intellectual strength than now. The severity and closeness of the struggle in the recent election, and the very intestine troubles which accompanied it, have consolidated the party, and confirmed its power beyond all ordinary dispute hereafter. Mischievous clements, both of individuals and of factions, have been crushed out, and with new and abler representative men, and broader and more popular principles, it has placed itself on a vantage ground that it never before occupied.