CHAPTER VIII.

THE UPRISING OF THE PEOPLE.

How the News of the Fall of Sumter was Received at the North-The Call for 75,000 Men-Southern States, Not in Secession, Refuse to Obey It-The Demonstration of Patriotism at the North-How Arms had been Traitorously Secured by the South.

Although the attack upon Fort Sumter was feared and expected, it seemed as if it could hardly be, and in some way would be prevented. It was known that several vessels of war had gone to its relief, and in fact they lay at the entrance of the harbor and communicated by signals with the fort during the bombardment, but could not expose themselves to such a fire. It had been said that the government by some understanding with South Carolina might be allowed to provision the fort if nothing more, and both wait for further developments. It hardly seemed possible that war should be resorted to, to maintain slavery, and to break up an administration opposed to its extension, when such differences had always been allowed in regard to it, and some twenty presidential elections taken place and been acquiesced in, in spite of all sectional and party differences. It was incredible that any party or any section should attempt to pull down their own house upon their own. heads, where for generations they had dwelt as one family in peace and prosperity, or that the rest of the country should ever allow it to be done. No definite intelligence had been received for several days from Charleston, and when the attack on Sumter began, all communication whatever with the North was prevented. So when, after those two days of intense suspense, it was flashed over the wires,

"Sumter has fallen," almost before the reverberations of those besieging guns had ceased and the smoke cleared away, the news was announced on the bulletin boards of every city and large town to a shifting crowd; the papers were issuing their extras to carry it on the next train as far and as swiftly as steam could carry them; from every station the news was spread to every village, hamlet, and manufacturing establishment, and somehow the birds of the air seemed to carry it to each country store, blacksmith's shop, and remote dwelling, until that event-the surrender of Sumter-so insignificant in a military point of view, but so all-important in its effect upon the country, which took place at half-past one on Saturday that fourteenth of April, was known over the length and breadth of the land before the sun could set and the peace of the Sabbath steal into the hearts of the people.

The effect of this intelligence upon the North can hardly be described. It thrilled every soul. It brought the soberest reflection, and forecast the future with a soundness of judgment, a firmness of principle, and confidence in the final result, that time has justified and will forever honor.

The newspapers, as a rule, answered nobly to the demands of the occasion, and spoke patriotically and wisely. Witness a single extract which must stand for many more, not all so well expressed or so far-seeing, but yet showing comprehension of the facts and their meaning:

The end of the first outbreak of war has come soon, and the flag of the country has ceased to wave above Fort Sumter. In the first conflict the rebels have triumphed, and civil war has been inaugurated. What the end will be, no human eye can foresee, but all eyes can see that we are in the midst either of a revolution or a gigantic rebellion. Force must now be met by force, and the strength of the government must be tested. It is evident that nothing less is aimed at now by the rebels than the revolution of the government. They boldly proclaim their determination to march upon and capture Washington and become the possessors of the archives of the nation.

The reception of the news in Springfield on Saturday was accompanied by the most profound interest and excitement. The streets were thronged with men, universally gathered into knots where the news was discussed. There was only here and there one among the crowd who manifested any sympathy with the rebels, but from men of all parties the assurance came that the government must be supported. If the feeling here is an index of the general feeling of the North, a spirit has been aroused which will spare neither men nor money for wiping out the rebellion, and expunging the mock and inob government that has consented to head it. All feel that the government has now no choice but to go forward and compel respect for itself by force. One hundred thousand men and one hundred millions of money could be placed at the disposal of the government in a fortnight, and men enough poured into Washington in twentyfour hours to meet any force that could be brought against it in a month. We cannot doubt that the administration will fulfill the expectations and respond to the voice of the people.

Civil war has been begun by the rebels, and an important question arises as to the relations which the party in the North, politically opposed to the present administration, will assume toward the government. Is partisanship to be subordinate now, and patriotism dominant? or are we to be treated to caviling and poorly marked or openly avowed sympathy with the traitors? Are there men in auy Northern State whose blood is so acrid and so thin that they can take delight in the humiliation of the national flag, and are willing to aid directly or indirectly the traitors? We hope not. We hope to hear on every side the expressions of devotion to the Union, and the determination to stand by the administration until this question is settled. And we may as well declare here our conviction touching the state of feeling which is rapidly developing at the North. The time is coming, and that very speedily, when traitorous words will not be tolerated; when men who sympathize with rebellion will not dare to open their mouths or show their heads. There has been, in one part of our country, a "reign of terror" for patriots; there will come a “reign of terror" for traitors. Curses be upon him who will not stand by his country and his flag in their hour of peril.-[Springfield Republican, April 15, 1861.

The service done to the country at this crisis and all through the war by the Northern press should never fail to be appreciated. Hlasty as its utterances necessarily must be, partisan as they must also be, in the sense of holding to some particular policy of government, and anxious to have certain men elected to office to administer that policy, and tempted to give way in the heat of a canvass to prejudice, personality and misrepresentation; still how few of its utterances breathed disloyalty to the government, or would discourage volunteering to uphold the government! How soon every such discordant note was drowned in the loud

Sunday, the day after the surrender of Sumter, was an anxious and busy one with the President and his cabinet. They were deciding upon that call for troops which was issued the next morning, and summoning to their aid all who could help them, regardless of party connections or personal animosities. Among others, Senator Douglas's support was secured. Partisan as he was, and a relentless opponent as he was regarded, it is interesting to see what a patriot he could be, and by what gentle influences he could be controlled. Dr. Holland, in his "Life of Lincoln," tells how this was brought about:

Hon. George Ashmun of Massachusetts, who was personally on the most friendly terms with Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas, called on the latter to obtain from him some public declaration that should help the government in its extremity. He found the Senator surrounded by political friends, who were soon dismissed, and then for an hour the two men discussed the relations of Mr. Douglas to the administration. The first impulse of the Senator was against Mr. Ashmun's wishes, who desired him to go to the President at once and tell him he would sustain him in all the needful measures which the exigency demanded. His reply was: "Mr. Lincoln has dealt hardly with me in removing some of my friends from office, and I don't know as he wants my advice or aid." Mr. Ashmun remarked that he had probably followed democratic precedents in making removals, but that the present question was above party, and that it was now in the power of Mr. Douglas to render such a service to his country as would not only give him a title to its lasting gratitude, but would show that in the hour of his country's need he could trample all party considerations and resentments under foot. At this juncture Mrs. Douglas came in, and gave the whole weight of her affectionate influence in the direction in which Mr. Ashmun was endeavoring to lead him. He could not withstand the influence of his friend, his wife, and that better nature to which they appealed. He gave up all

demand that all the men and money that were needed should be furnished at once. Even in the State of New York, where the " peace party" was strongest and coerclon was not believed in, and settlement upon any terms was regarded as our only relief, the press as well as the people responded heartily to the President's call for troops. There is a public sentiment in the press which corrects its own mistakes, and controls by its abler, and wiser, and more patriotic utterances those who would differ from them. So that our free press needed no government censorship, as in other countries, but helped to carry us through the war as much as our army and navy.

his enmity and resentment, and casting every unworthy sentiment and selfish feeling behind him, declared his willingness to go at once to Mr. Lincoln and offer him his earnest and hearty support. It was nearly dark when the two gentlemen started for the President's house. Mr. Lincoln was alone, and on learning of their errand gave them a most cordial welcome. For once the lifelong antagonists were united in heart and purpose. Mr. Lincoln took up the proclamation, calling for 75,000 troops, which he had determined to issue the next day, and read it. When he had read it, Mr. Douglas rose from his chair and said: "Mr. President, I cordially concur in every word of that document, except that instead of a call for 75,000 men I would make it 200,000. You do not know the dishonest purposes of those men as well as I do."

This was telegraphed north at once with the proclamation, and caused immediately the beginning of that notable breaking down of party lines in support of the government. Within a week the senator from Illinois was on his way home, and making speeches by the way in behalf of the government. He had scarcely reached home when he was taken sick and died, leaving behind him, in one of the last letters he ever wrote, this testimony to his real patriotism: "We should never forget that a man cannot be a democrat, unless he is a loyal patriot." The call for 75,000 men was prepared that night, telegraphed over the country, and published in the papers the next morning. It read:

Whereas, the laws of the United States have been for some time past and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of political proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law: Now, therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought fit to call for the militia of the several States of the Union to the aggregate number of 75,000, in order to suppress such combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed.

The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the State authorities through the War Department. I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and existence of our National Union and the perpetuity of popular government, and to redress wrongs already long enough