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uncourteous to her."

"Be it so;-you can of course believe whichever you please, and it is desirable, no doubt, that you should prefer to believe your mother."

"But I do not wish there to be any quarrel."

"But there is a quarrel, Captain Aylmer, and I must leave your father's house. I cannot stay here after what has taken place. Your mother told me; I cannot tell you what she told me, but she made against me just those accusations which she knew it would be the hardest for me to bear."

"I'm sure you have mistaken her."
66 No; I have not mistaken her."
"And where do you propose to go?"
"To Mrs. Askerton."

"Oh, Clara!"

66

I have written to Mrs. Askerton to ask her to receive me for awhile. Indeed, I may almost say that I had no other choice." "If you go there, Clara, there will be an end to everything."

"And there must be an end of what you call everything, Captain Aylmer," said she, smiling. "It cannot be for your good to bring into your family a wife of whom your mother would think so badly as she thinks of me."

There was a great deal said, and Captain

Aylmer walked very often up and down the room, endeavouring to make some arrangement which might seem in some sort to appease his mother. Would Clara only allow a telegram to be sent to Mrs. Askerton, to explain that she had changed her mind? But Clara would allow no such telegram to be sent, and on that evening she packed up all her things. Captain Aylmer saw her again and again, sending Belinda backwards and forwards, and making different appointments up to midnight; but it was all to no purpose, and on the next morning she took her departure alone in the Aylmer Park carriage for the railway station. Captain Aylmer had proposed to go with her; but she had so stoutly declined his company that he was obliged to abandon his intention.

She saw neither of the ladies on that morning, but Sir Anthony came out to say a word of farewell to her in the hall.

"I am very sorry for all this," said he.

"It is a pity," said Clara; "but it cannot be helped. Good-bye, Sir Anthony."

"I hope we may meet again under pleasanter circumstances," said the baronet.

To this Clara made no reply, and was then handed into the carriage by Captain Aylmer.

"I am so bewildered," said he, “that I cannot now say anything definite, but I shall write to you, and probably follow you."

"Do not follow me, pray, Captain Aylmer," said she. Then she was driven to the station; and as she passed through the lodges of the park entrance she took what she intended to be a final farewell of Aylmer Park.

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Weybridge, Nov. 28, 1865. THE GRAVE OF JOHN LOCKE. - Fifteen years ago you inserted in your columns a letter entitled A Pilgrimage to the Grave of Locke." The chief purpose of that letter was to call the attention of the public, or of those more nearly concerned, to the ruinous and decaying state of the modest tomb which covered the ashes of a man unsurpassed for wisdom and virtue.

In those fifteen years what sums have been spent in the endeavour to perpetuate reputations of the day, and to honour second-rate merit! Yet the small sum required to keep from utter demolition the plain stone which has, and needs,

no other inscription than the name of JOHN LOCKE, has till now not been forthcoming."

A few admirers of the illustrious and venerable man have at length repaired this neglect, and removed this scandal. You will learn with satisfaction that the grave has been repaired and restored, with the most scrupulous adherence to the august simplicity which makes it so fit to cover the remains of Locke.

Among the names of the few contributors to this holy work it is pleasant to find those of Victor Consin and Barthélemy St-Hilaire, "grateful," as they say, "for the opportunity afforded them of showing their reverence for Locke."

8. A.

From the Saturday Review.

A MARITIME CONGRESS.*

clusive legal evidence is to be offered by the agents of the English Government before cruisers intended to act against us are detained in American ports, every sea will swarm with Yankee Alabamas. When the not refer the Alabama case to the proposed American Government finds that we will Commission, it may very probably decline and reserving its claim for an indemnity any further discussion, merely reasserting

THE last accounts from America suggest that very probably the discussion between England and the United States may simply die away, because neither party can convince the other, and may leave behind it on the other side of the Atlantic a feeling of bitterness and a sense of injury which will be very much to be regretted. That for the losses which the Alabama inflicted. the Government or the people of the United States will go to war about the Alabama claims is in the highest degree unlikely; but the impression, it is to be feared, may prevail that England did not do her duty in the matter, and instead of owning this and expressing regret, justified herself, and was too proud to be penitent. The Americans will not wish to make war on England for letting the Alabama escape; but they will wait with eager expectation for the day of retribution, when England shall be engaged in a war while the United States are neutral, and then avenging Alabamas will be suffered to escape from American ports, and be let loose on our mercantile marine. It will not be fair on us that this should be done, for, as we subsequently adopted much more rigorous precautions against the issue of cruisers than we took in the case of the Alabama, it is hard that we should not have the benefit of our right-doing, and be judged

by the many instances where our vigilance was unimpeachable, rather than by the one case where, if judged by the standard of our own later acts, we were in some slight measure remiss. Nor would the Americans judge us in the least harshly if we would but own that we were in fault with regard to the Alabama. But technically we were right, even in this instance; and it is difficult, when we were right, to own that we were wrong, although, perhaps, we should do no harm by stating, a little more plainly than Lord RUSSELL has done, that in this case we acted on the rule which the American Government had laid down, that legal

pro

evidence sufficient to convict must be vided before a vessel could be detained, but that, as this was found insufficient, we laid down a new rule. It is highly undesirable that the matter should simply end in our seeming to uphold the rule on which we

acted in the case of the Alabama. If con

[In our opinion there will be no such Congress, until after the settlement of the American claims concerning the Alabama. Earl Russell agrees with the Saturday Review that it would be well, by making a new law, to prevent our adopting England's past position. Ed. Living Age.]

Our only hope, in that event, of getting some general rules laid down that would be be in trying to get a Congress of the marifair both to belligerents and neutrals, would time nations to examine into and decide on the whole subject. There would be some difficulty in getting such a Congress to meet; and it is to be feared that the Congress, from the inherent intricacies of the question, would find it hard to come to a decision; but still it is of such paramount importance that another great war should not break out before we have a clear notion as to what we can ask as belligerents, or worth while to examine what a Maritime what we ought to do as neutrals, that it is Congress could do if it were called together

The Congress might, in the first instance, lay down that it is the duty of a neutral to detain a suspected vessel when there is a dence against the ship is procurable, and reasonable presumption that further evithat this evidence will suffice for a condemnation. It will be necessary that the agents of the belligerent against whom the vessel is supposed to be going to act should collect this evidence, for otherwise the belligerent would have no means of calling the neutral to account if the neutral failed in his duty. The mode of discharging this duty, whether by directions to police, statutes forbidding and punishing the offence, heavy bonds exacted from ship-builders, or other similar means, must be left to the neutral himself; and if the neutral does not do his duty he must be punished, either by war being declared against him, or by his being called on to express sorrow and regret or else by his being made to pay a sum of money as a fine for his negligence. But it is not in this direction that the labours of the Congress determine for itself how it will prevent an intended cruiser from getting to sea; but after it has once got to sea, are the duties and powers of the neutral at an end? And this is the main question which the Congress would be called on to determine. At pres ent it is, under the customary law of na

would be most effective. Each nation must

nity of refitting. The only difficulty worth considering, as to this exercise of the rights of a neutral, is the difficulty of getting evidence. How is evidence to be produced in neutral ports sufficient to warrant this attitude of suspicion, and this threat of punishment, towards a vessel of a belligerent? In English colonies, for example, there could scarcely be any evidence forthcoming which would warrant a Colonial Governor in seizing a ship, or in refusing her entrance into a port, unless distinct instructions had been sent from home directing him to behave in a particular way towards a ship mentioned by name. But it would take a long time before these instructions could reach distant colonies, and as the name of the ship would of course be altered, the Colonial Governor would run a great risk in deciding that a man-of-war bearing one name had really been a merchant vessel bearing another name.

It is also to be observed that, even if the representatives of a neutral Power in the most distant parts of the world could be kept so well informed of whatever the Home Government considered true or probable as to detain vessels, or to refuse them admittance, this would only check the career of such vessels in a very minute degree. If all English ports had been closed to the Alabama, she could still bave gone into French or Spanish or Dutch ports. A Maritime Congress might, indeed, determine that a vessel thus excluded from the ports of one neutral country should also be excluded from the ports of all other

tions, taken for granted that the powers and duties of the neutral are over, if not directly the vessel has got to sea, at least as soon as she has received her commission from a belligerent, and become a part of that belligerent's naval force. We have always said that we could not be answerable for what our countrymen did when out of our jurisdiction. We have no means of compelling a belligerent vessel not to use the rights of a belligerent, nor have we any business to interfere with a lawfully commissioned vessel that is engaged in carrying on the ordinary operations of war. A neutral might, indeed, refuse to recognize the commission given to a vessel that had infringed the municipal law of the neutral, but the neutral could not safely pronounce its decision on the validity of a commission while the vessel was on the high seas. For, if it undertook to do this, it would then have the duty cast on it of doing it; and a neutral cannot accept so onerous a charge as that of scouring the seas in pursuit of vessels that some one alleges to have escaped improperly from the ports of the neutral. Most neutrals would have no means of discharging this duty, and those great maritime States that could discharge it would be forced to divert their navies from the proper purposes which these navies were intended to fulfil, and would be practically called on to make war; for it is impossible that, if a British fleet were sent out to find, capture, and bring to England a vessel that bore, however wrongfully, a French commission, we could remain at peace with France. It is a very different thing, how-neutral countries. But the practical diffiever, when the delinquent vessel chooses to return into the ports of the neutral. At present it is held that the commission of a belligerent cures antecedent faults, and that one nation cannot exercise control over the men-of-war of another. But a Maritime Congress might easily alter this rule if it thought proper. It might be laid down that the neutral should be at liberty to seize such vessels in his ports; and if he could seize them he certainly must do so, for the notion that a neutral is the judge of the success with which he carries out his neutrality is really illusory, since the belligerent is also the judge when the particular kind of neutrality adopted by the neutral is tantamount to hostility. If it should be thought to be too much like an act of war to seize on vessels of war actually engaged perhaps in combined operations with other vessels of the belligerent, it might yet be open to the neutral to refuse them shelter, to refuse them coals, stores, and an opportu

culties attending the enforcement of this
rule would be most serious. In the first
place, notice of the facts must be communi-
cated to every neutral, and the belligerent
who conceived himself to be injured must
prove his case in the territory of every
neutral into whose ports the suspected ves-
sel might try to enter.
The probability,
therefore, is that a vessel which had escaped
in contravention of the laws of a neutral
country would have so fair a chance of
being for a time received with the usual
hospitality in the distant ports of that
country, and in the ports of other neutrals,
that it would answer perfectly well to start
her, and try how long she could be kept
afloat. The only means of preventing the
issue of such vessels that remains for the
consideration of a Maritime Congress
and probably the most efficacious of all
is that of remonstrances with the Govern-
ment of the belligerent State which has
procured the issue of cruisers in defiance of

the laws and wishes of a neutral. The to us through certain proceedings of a ground of complaint must not be taken to questionable kind, supposed to indicate consist in the danger which threatens the something like panic, in Jamaica, deserves neutral State, for in many cases the neu- better to be known through a very different tral State would run no danger. If no and much more unique class of proceedings, amount of vigilance could have prevented in which he has shown qualities that perthe issue of the cruiser, the belligerent haps not one Englishman in a million could against whom the cruiser is intended to match. The more severely we criticise his act could have no just ground of complaint, conduct in the former matter, the more and therefore the neutral would run no imperative becomes our obligation to exrisk. No amount of vigilance, for exam- hibit the grander aspect of it, which his ple, could have prevented the issue from achievements nearly a quarter of a century our ports of the Shenandoah; and there- ago as Australian explorer present. He fore we could not be called to account for has told his own tale, which has been reher escape. But it is an injury to the cently repeated by Mr. Howitt, in his hisneutral that its municipal laws should have tory of Australian discovery, and still more been infringed with the connivance of a lately re-told by Mr. Henry Kingsley in the foreign Government, and this injury is October and November numbers of Macmil sufficient to warrant a strong remonstrance lan's Magazine in a style apparently inventon the part of the neutral. The safety of ed expressly to describe courageous physical the maritime world is also imperilled by the exploits with even more than the freshness underhand proceedings of the belligerent, of most men's original experience. And it and the neutral is entitled to protest, not is only fair to say that Mr. Henry Kingsley only in its own name, but in that of all begins his tale by a testimony to Mr. Eyre's neutral nations. If such a course of un- previous reputation as protector of the friendly proceedings were persisted in after Australian blacks of the Lower Murray,remonstrance had been made against it, being the lowest type of black man known the neutral would be justified in going to to us, - which should fairly raise a very war with the offending belligerent. In strong presumption in favour of his justice many cases, it is true, the injured neutral where any issue between the Anglo Saxon would not dare to go to war. But a nation and a lower race is placed clearly before which is too weak to protect itself may him. Mr. Kingsley wrote:nevertheless appeal to a general feeling of what is right among civilized nations; and "Of this Mr. Eyre, who made this unparala nation that has a high sense of honour leled journey, I know but little, save this: and dignity does not like to find the verdict He knew more about the aboriginal tribes, of general opinion against it, even though their habits, language, and so on, than any it may be free from the apprehension that man before or since. He was appointed Black the number of its open and active enemies Protector for the Lower Murray, and did his He seems to have been (teste is likely to be increased. It would be the work well. business of a Maritime Congress to create Charles Sturt, from whom there is no appeal), a man eminently kind, generous, and just. No this body of general opinion, by laying man concealed less than Eyre the vices of the down in explicit terms that a neutral is in-natives, but no man stood more steadfastly in jured from whose port a cruiser has been the breech between them and the squatters (the launched by the secret contrivance of a foreign Government. The experiment whether such a body of opinion could not be created, and whether it might not prove efficacious if it were created, is at least worth trying; and England will have great cause to rejoice if the meeting of a Congress to give this amount of sanction and force to the decisions of neutrals were the result of our present unfortunate difference with the United States.

From the Spectator, 25 Nov. THE PARADOX IN GOVERNOR EYRE.

great pastoral aristocracy), at a time when to do so was social ostracism. The almost unexampled valour which led him safely through the hideous desert into which we have to follow him, served him well in a fight more wearing and more dangerous to his rules of right and wrong. He pleaded for the black, and tried to stop the war of extermination which was, is, and I suppose will be, carried on by the colonists against the natives in the unsettled districts beyond reach of the public eye. His task was hopeless. It was easier for him to find water in the desert than to find mercy for the savages. Honour to him for attempting it, however."

A man "eminently kind, generous, and just," standing between the squatting arisGovernor EYRE, just now best known tocracy of Australia and the wretched sav

ages of those regions, should certainly be able, and apparently willing, to stand, if occasion were, between the negroes of Jamaica and the terrified white population. And if, as we fear, he has failed to do so, his character must present at least some curious paradox.

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Courage at all events, courage of an order that makes ordinary courage seem cowardice, Mr. Eyre certainly does not want. It would be impossible here, and useless if it were possible, to repeat a twicetold story, which, too, in the form into which Mr. Henry Kingsley has thrown it, no one who reads can ever forget. But we may just recall the kinds of courage which that wonderful narrative illustrates, -the inborn love of braving unknown dangers, the profound contempt for hardship, which often fails to accompany the greatest serenity in danger, an unequalled fortitude under real pain and suffering, without any disposition to be driven by actual pain, and the expectation of prolonged pain, from his purpose, -a persistency of will quite independent of the value of the end to be attained, or the suffering to be saved by sacrificing it, when the fiat has once gone forth,-incredible patience with small obstructions, indomitable determination to struggle with great ones, such were the qualities which took Mr. Eyre in 1840-1 over some 900 miles of actual des ert, with water attainable only at intervals of about 120 miles, and no end in view beyond that of demonstrating his own confident and reasonable prediction, that no good could come of the route he followed. The case was this. Mr. Eyre had persuaded the colony of South Australia, just then anxious to find a practicable land route for cattle to Western Australia, to permit him to explore in a northerly direction instead, as he showed on good grounds that the westerly exploration could come to nothing. The colony, which had raised a sum of money for the western route, permitted him to devote it to the northern, and his attempt failed. He then persuaded himself that he was under a sort of honourable obligation to satisfy the colony that the western route also was impracticable, and this he insisted on doing, at the cost, as he expected, of both his own and a friend's life (and actually at the cost of the friend's), though before he started finally the colony was persuaded that his view was correct, and sent the most urgent entreaties to him to give up the mad expedition. Go, however, he would, with one English attendant, Baxter, and three native boys, two of whom murdered his

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companion about half-way,
dreds of miles of sand or cliff, without a
tree, or spring of water, or even a native
settlement. Repeatedly for six days at a
time they dragged along the horses with
their provisions, or the sheep which they
were ultimately to eat, without coming
even to sand where a brackish well was
possible. Baxter wanted to go back. Even
the inadequate end Eyre had proposed to
himself to disprove the possibility of any
route in this direction,
- was attained.
But he had resolved to complete his jour-
ney or perish, and complete it he did.
When they were five hundred miles away
from help on one side, and four hundred on
the other, Baxter was murdered, and why
the savage followers who shot Baxter did
not shoot Eyre also it is impossible to say.
But even then, alone with one native boy,
he proceeded, leaving his friend's body un-
buried on the hard rock where there was
neither earth nor sand to bury it, and for
two months longer he trudged on, alone but
for this savage, always half starved, gener-
ally fainting with heat and thirst, latterly
almost frozen with cold, to carry out the
arbitrary task he had set himself. Clearly
Mr. Eyre is one of those men who by mere-
ly "putting his foot down" on a given
course can make it as sacred to himself,
without looking for any results from it, as if
the perspective beyond it were always open-
ing out into a more and more brilliant fu-
ture. There are many men who, with
Columbus's conviction, could go through
Columbus's trials. But how many are there
who could go nine hundred miles on foot
over dreary cliffs, through a waterless,
treeless, but not insectless desert (Mr. Eyre
was stung to madness day after day), to
verify a negative inference which he had
proved to his own and his fellow colonists' sat-
isfaction before he started, - or rather, if we
must give the true reason, because he had
rashly pledged himself to himself to do this
thing? To such a man means, however
horrid, become of no account, when an end,
however trivial, is once fixed upon. He
lives only to stretch forward to that end.

Is, then, courage, and fortitude, and iron strength of purpose such as this so immeasurably beyond any standard put before the eyes of ordinary men - compatible, even in imagination, with the supposition that in Jamaica Mr. Eyre has yielded to a social panic, and adopted very unscrupulous measures for suppressing the insubordination which had broken out there? We fear it is. The sort of mind which can hunt down almost any end with sure inevitable

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