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LETTER FROM JOHN STUART MILL. HIS VIEWS OF RECONSTRUCTION

present, from the double unpreparedness, | way by the use of a tempering military first of the revolted States to receive as yet authority in the South, by the education of and exercise new rights with safety to the the freedmen, and by discussion in the free republic, and next of the free States to con- States, for the only feasible security of fer on the negro, without preparation both the coloured man's freedom, the passing of for him and them, the only protection by a constitutional amendment securing in one which he can hope to hold his own. And shape or another for the future the franthey infer therefore that a policy of pa- chise to the negro. tience and preliminary delay, during which the State rights shall not be restored to the revolted States, but the authority of the republic sustained by the central power alone, is the true one at the present moment. The appointment of non-elected provisional governors of States is itself, they argue, a prerogative not accorded in the Constitution, though most necessary in the present emergency; nor can any simiilar interference be more open to dispute, if it simply has for its object to promote and secure the safe re-organization of disloyal States, whether by altering the electoral classes who shall vote for the representatives in Congress, or by prolonging the present provisional condition of things.

NEGRO SUFFRAGE.

AND

THE following letter from John Stuart Mill, addressed to a gentleman in Ohio, appears in the Cincinnati Commercial :

BLACKHEATH Park, Kent,

September 1, 1865.

Dear Sir: I am sincerely obliged to you for giving me an opportunity of reading the letter of General Cox, and your excellent paper in reply.

American, and still more upon the American public, any mere opinion of mine respecting their internal concerns. But it is the concern of mankind, almost as much as of the United States, that the conquests achieved by your great and arduous struggle should not be, in the very hour of victory, carelessly flung away; and the opinion which you do me the honour to ask, is one which I share with so many of the noblest and wisest Americans, that I need have the less scruple in expressing it.

We must say we think the argument for You ask me for an opinion. I should hesa wise delay, and for insisting on negro sufitate very long before intruding upon any frage as an absolute condition sine quâ non of re-admission to constitutional rights as members of the Union, unanswerable. General Howard, "the Christian warrior," as he is called, in his noble and instructive address in Maine on the organization of the Freedmen's Bureau, virtually supports the same line of policy. While furnishing a complete answer to the logic of prejudice concerning the negro which we took some pains to confute last week, he gives the most impressive evidence as head of the Freedmen's Bureau to two facts, — (1) that the freed negro is protected in most of the revolted States from further oppression only by the interposition of military law wherever civil rights are refused him by the civil authorities, and that this interposition practically takes place only through the influence of the Freedmen's. Bureau, which is a part of the army organization; and (2) that the civil power once fully restored, neither Freedmen's Bureau nor military power could then interfere on behalf of the negro at all; so that all the official and non-official efforts of the North to secure him his rights as a freeman must cease, and he be delivered over bodily to the action of the new State law. As General Howard evidently holds that, without an interposing power, the freed negroes will for a long time be liable to all sorts of oppression, authority seems to us to concur with logic in counselling a policy of delay to prepare the

But

It is certainly some gain to the negroes, and to the principle of freedom, that they have been made even nominally free. I do not pretend that it is nothing that they can no longer legally be bought and sold. this is about the amount of all they will have gained, if the power of legislation over them is handed over once more to their old masters, and to the mean whites by whom they are despised as much, and probably more, than ever by their masters, and who have been fighting four years to retain them enslaved. If it were not for your state institutions, the case would not be so pressing; for those who have made them free could keep them so. But, once the war-power laid down, and the regular course of state government restored, what is to prevent a state legislature, chosen by their enemies, from making laws under which, unless they resist by force, they will have as little the control of their own actions, as little protection for

ings of the President, and the practical good sense and determination of the American people, to believe that such a policy will be persevered in. It would be nothing less

the whole southern population, in order to avoid depriving the white half of that population of the power of tyrannizing over the black half.

Instead of restoring to the states lately in rebellion a nominal self-government, which, unless you are willing to sacrifice all that has been gained by four years of civil war, cannot be suffered to be real, would it not be better to make the self-government real, but to grant it only to a mixed community, in which the population who have been corrupted by vicious institutions will be neutralized by black citizens and white emmigrants from the North?

life, honour and property, will, in short, be, except in a few of the outward incidents of slavery almost as much slaves as before? To bring this about it would not even be necessary to enact new laws. It would suffice than electing to rule tyrannically over to have the old ones unrepealed, by which the testimony of a negro cannot be received against a white. Nay, even were these laws abrogated, nothing more would be needed than partiality and prejudice in the white courts of justice. And would it be consistent with ordinary human nature that such partiality and prejudice should not exist? All this is so evident, that even the candidate, to whose letter you so ably replied, is quite aware of it, and can suggest no means of averting the evil, except what I agree with you in regarding as the chimerical project of affecting a local separation between the two races, excluding the negroes from the jurisdiction of the states, and giving them a territorial government apart. It is not to be believed that the President or Congress will entertain such a scheme as this seriously. If, then, they allow the southern states to reorganize themselves, and resume all their constitutional rights, without negro suffrage, what is to be done? To abandon the negroes to the tender mercies of those from whom, at so terrible a cost, you have so lately rescued them? No party or set of men in the free states are so shameless as to propose this combined turpitude and imbecility. But the freedom of the negroes and the self-government of the southern states, as at present constituted, cannot co-exist, and if it is determined that, come what will, the former shall be a reality, it must be intended that the latter should be a mere pretense. A censorship will have to be exercised over all the acts, both legislative and administrative, of the state governments; the federal authorities will, by military coersion, prevent or set aside all proceedings calculated to interfere with that equality of civil rights to which they are bound by every consideration, both of duty and of interest, to secure to the freed race. And this military dictatorship will have to be continued for a great length of time; for it is speaking within bounds to say that two generations must elapse before the habits and feelings engendered by slavery give place to new ones- - before the stain which the position of slave master burns into the very souls of the privileged population can be expected to fade out.

This is the state of things which the policy now apparently acted upon by the federal governnment leads to; but I have too high an opinion of the intentions and feel- |

And what is the hindrance to this in the minds of the President and his Cabinet? Is it scruples about legality? To be scrupulous about exceeding his lawful powers well becomes the first magistrate of a free people. But in this case the scruple seems wholly out of place. We are told that the rebel states must be assumed never to have been out of the Union, and therefore to be unconditionally entitled to all their original liberties and powers the moment they condescend to accept them. Reason would say, on the contrary, that by declaring themselves independemt of the Union they could not, indeed, divest themselves of its obligations, but certainly forfeited its privileges. A state of civil war suspends all legal rights and all social compacts between the combatants. Except under the terms of a capitulation, defeated rebels have no rights but the universal ones of humanity. The southern people, their lives, bodies and estates, were, by the issue of the war, placed at the discretion of their conquerors; but of conquerors whom both the general law of right, and the special principles of their own social and political institutions, forbid to exercise permanent dominion over any human beings as subjects, or on any footing than that of equal citizenship. It would, however, be on the part of the free states a generosity partaking of silliness were they to give back to their bitter enemies not only power to govern themselves and the negroes within their limits, but (through representatives in Congress) to govern the free states too, without first exacting such changes in the structure of southern society as will render such a relation between them and the free states rational and safe. If you have not a right to do this, you had not the

right to impose the abolition of slavery. the American or any other free constitution. Consider what an element you are going But the future history of America, perhaps once more to admit into the supreme gov- for ages to come, depends (I cannot but ernment of the Union. Think of this one think) upon your requiring them, before thing it is but one of many. Every south- admission, to give guaranties to freedom, by ern member of Congress elected without admixture with fellow-citizens whose internegro suffrage is a sure vote for that black-ests and feelings are in unison with justice, est and most disgraceful breach of faith, and with the principals of the free states. which would brand American democracy Migration from the North will do this in and popular government itself with a mark time and in part, but only negro suffrage that would endure for generations the can do it sufficiently. repudiation of the war debt. The southern representatives, in fact, would be the only members of Congress who could honestly vote for this; since, to their minds, unless the Confederate debt is recognized too, it would seem only equal justice. This is of itself a sufficient reason why no community, composed exclusively or principally of those who have been engaged in the rebellion, is fit to have a voice in Congress. Of course the states have to be readmitted; to keep them out and govern them as subjects, would be in contradiction to all the principles of

I have no objection to requiring, as a condition of the suffrage, education up to the point of reading and writing; but upon condition that this shall be required equally from the whites. The poor whites of the South are understood to need education quite as much as the negroes, and are certainly quite as unfit for the exercise of the suffrage without it.

I am, dear sir, yours, very sincerely,
J. S. MILL.

Hon. Judge Dickson, &c.

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The insatiate heart, with all its warm pulsa-
tions,
Sunk into unimagined depths of Peace.

O various soul! Is that no more denied thee,
The ecstatic vision, sought with sobs and tears?
O woman's heart! Is she at last beside thee,
Whom thou hast longed for, all these weary
years?

Not from those lips the answer to our speak-
ing!

But the calm face utters a deeper word,
Bathed in that rest of God we all are seeking!
No speech nor language, but its voice is heard.

Farewell, sweet changeful face, no longer chang-
ing!

Farewell, most constant heart, but restless will!
Farewell, poetic mind through Nature ranging!
Gone in a moment gone, but with us still.
- Daily Advertiser.

J. F. C.

LITTELL'S LIVING AGE.-NO. 1115.-14 OCTOBER, 1865.

From the Saturday Review.
EDWARD THE SIXTH.

something quite different from what the Church of England was tending to in the latter days of Edward. Then people are MR. POCOCK's revised edition of Burnet apt to forget that church-robbery went on has set us thinking once more about that in- through the whole reign of Edward, and in exhaustible subject of thought, the great a still more odious form than that in which changes of the sixteenth century. Among it had gone on in the days of Henry. the various steps of those changes, the reign Henry did his sacrilege, like everything else, of Edward the Sixth runs perhaps some in a grand way; Somerset and Northumberchance of being overlooked beside the more land did theirs in a paltry way. For the exciting careers of his father and sisters. monasteries to undergo a sweeping reform, Edward himself, the English Josiah, is a and for large portions of their wealth to be favourite Protestant saint; on the other transferred to other uses, was the necessary hand, his reign, as a reign, is one of the dictate of sound policy, even if no changes least satisfactory in our history. Politically, of a strictly theological kind were to follow. there is nothing to be said for it; it is a Had Henry carried out in their fulness those period of disgrace abroad and of confusion at schemes of which he only carried out a home. It is a time which makes us under- small portion, there can be little doubt that stand that there was a better side to Henry the Church would have been as distinct a the Eighth, when we see what things came gainer as the State. A large foundation of to when they fell into the hands of men who Bishoprics and Colleges was designed by a were quite capable of imitating any of prince who was rapacious with one hand Henry's crimes, but who altogether lacked and liberal with the other, and it was doubthis greater qualities. Henry had in him, less owing to his being beset by men who after all, an element of honesty and straight-shared his rapacity, but not his liberality, forwardness, which sets him as high above that only so small a portion of his scheme the low cunning of Northumberland as his was accomplished. But Somerset and Northdetermined vigour sets him above the weak-umberland sought nothing but their own enness and vanity of Somerset. The whole richment. No prey was too small for them, six years were a wretched time, unrelieved as no prey was too sacred for them. Henry by a single gleam of national glory, unless spared Peterborough for the sake of his outany one is determined to see national glory cast wife, and Westminister for the sake of in the useless devastation of Scotland and his royal ancestors. Somerset deprived Westthe useless slaughter of Pinkie-cleugh. If minster of its Bishop, and contemplated we look at the time ecclesiastically, it is the destruction of the Minster itself. Probhardly more satisfactory. To the Romanist ably in no generation before or after would the ecclesiastical changes under Edward are any Englishman have entertained such an of course odious, while they hardly went idea for a moment. Henry seized Abbeys far enough completely to satisfy the extreme and hanged their Abbots if they refused to Protestant. From the strictly Anglican surrender. This was doing business in an point of view, it is a reign which began well imperial sort of fashion. But the counsellors and ended ill. The First Book of King of Edward were always nibbling at smaller Edward is the idol of the High Churchman, game. The Abbeys were gone, but scattered the exact medium between the Pope on the up and down the land there remained a one hand and the Puritan on the other. The number of Colleges and Hospitals-foundaSecond Book is a step in the downward tions for the relief of aged persons or for course, the fruit of leaving our own insular the more solemn performance of divine wisdom to listen to the perverse counsels of meddling foreigners. Anyhow it is certain that the existing Church of England is essentially the Church of Elizabeth, and it is certain that the Church of Elizabeth was THIRD SERIES. LIVING AGE. VOL. XXXI.

worship in this or that parish church. Henry had received Parliamentary authority to deal with these foundations, but he had exercised it very sparingly. Somerset came down upon them with a swoop. Then came 1404.

.

the systematic bullying of Bishops into illegal surrenders of their estates -a practice which Elizabeth found too profitable to give up, but which she had the grace to legalize and in most cases to salve over by some pretended equivalent. Henry had hanged the Abbot of Glastonbury and granted the Abbey to his brother-in-law. But this was not enough for my Lord Protector, till he had frightened the neighbouring Bishop into surrendering his palace and the most valuable of his manors, and had, with a singular scruple in favour of legality, got an Act of Parliament to alienate the estates of the Deanery. And when the locust and the caterpillar and the cankerworm and the palmerworm had thus crawled over monasteries, colleges, and bishoprics, the parish churches still remained. They had bells which might be melted into cannon; they had chalices which might be sold for much, or which, unsold, would look well on a Protector's sideboard; they had copes and altarcloths which might adorn a Protector's couches and tables; they had walls which, when convenient, might be pulled down to provide materials for a Protector's palace. În all this there was neither worldly policy nor religious zeal; it was simply avarice and havoc in their basest form. When a mob of Scotch fanatics pulled down St. Andrew's Cathedral, when Will Dowsing broke stained-glass windows and tore up monumental brasses, they doubtless honestly believed that they were doing God service; but Somerset and Northumberland sought neither God's honour nor man's profit, but simply the filling of their own coffers. All this went on during the whole reign of Edward, and under Elizabeth it re-appeared only in a very mitigated form.

and which may fairly be set against many of the mischiefs and disgraces of his reign. For this at least the memory of Edward is worthy of that personal honour in which his advisers are entitled to no share at all.

Our truest picture of Edward is to be found in the Journal still extant in his own own hand, and which Burnet printed in his collection. It gives us the picture of a boy of an unhealthy precocity of mind, clever by nature and brought up in a kind of hotbed of education. He had been trained to be a king in days when to be a king meant really to govern, and at nine years of age he was as serious about it as a privy-councillor of seventy. The puzzling Homeric phrase about the ivvéwpos Bacinet's seems to have been designed specially for him. We feel sure that from the day when, in his sizth year, the two well learned men," Mr. doctour Cox and John Chicke Mr. of art," began "to bring him up in learning of tongues, of the scripture, of philosophy, and of all liberal sciences," his whole mind was full of the Pope and the Emperor, the affairs of the realm and the reformation of the Church. Whether he had any influence on affairs or not, he certainly watched every thing that happened with an eye preternaturally keen for such a child. No wonder that such premature exertion of mind soon wore out a naturally feeble body. There is no distinct evidence that Northumberland poisoned him, but, if he did, we cannot fancy that he deprived him of many years of life.

One thing strikes one throughout the whole journal - namely, its strangely unimpassioned character, so utterly unlike childish and youthful compositions in general. Either the boy was absolutely without feeling, or he thought it unNow how far had Edward personally any kingly to express any sort of feeling. Was he share in either the evil or the good-if not moved in any way by the execution of two there was any good-of his reign? It is uncles, one through the agency of the other — clear that the two must stand together. We two uncles who, whatever their crimes, had not may, if we please, say that a boy of his age been personally unkind to him? It is not could not be responsible for either, or we may, if we please, make him responsible for enough to say, with Mr. Froude, that he thought both. But it is not fair, without distinct them guilty. An ingenuous boy who thought evidence in each particular case, to acquit his nearest kinsmen guilty would surely feel him of all the evil and to reckon all the some painful emotion at the thought. But Edgood to his personal credit. In one case ward, if he felt any, expresses none, and that there does seem to be such distinct evidence; in a Journal which is by no means meagre, but the foundation of the Grammar-schools, which goes very much into detail. So, again, which were to a great extent endowed out the burning of Joan Bocher, into which the of the revenues of the suppressed Colleges, prevalent Protestant legend makes him overdoes seem to have been Edward's own act persuaded by Cranmer, is recorded by him in and deed. It was a form of munificence the most matter-of-fact way in the world. He which was most natural to occur to a boy-clearly had no more objection to burning people king who loved his books; it was one which than his father and sister; like Mr. Froude, he has borne lasting and most profitable fruit, only differed from them as to who were the proper

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