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with openly;, •Play on the square with Foss- | in Sir Brook, blandly; “ a matter, of course, brooke,' said he,' and, whether he win or lose, of very brief space. you'll see no change in him. Try to over- “ You see the whole thing — you see it in reach him, and you'll catch a tiger.'' all its bearings; and now, if you only could

“I am very grateful for his kind estimate know something about the man you have to of me. It is, however, no more than I looked deal with, there would be nothing more to for at his hands.” This he said with a tell you.” marked feeling, and then added, in a lighter “ Í have heard about him passingly." tone, “I have also a debt of gratitude to “Oh yes, bis eccentricities are well known. yourself, of which I know not how to acquit The world is full of stories of him, but he is myself better than by accepting this appoint- one of those men who play wolf on the spement, and taking the earliest opportunity to cies — he must be worrying somebody to keep die afterwards.'

him from worrying himself; he smashed the “ No, don't do that; I don't mean that. last two Governments here, and he'd have You can do like that fellow they made a Pope upset us too if I hadn't been here. He hates because he looked on the verge of the grave, me cordially; and if you don't want to rouse and who pitched his crutch into the air when bis anger, don't let your lips murmur the he had put on the tiara."

name, Cholmondley Balfour.” "I understand; so that it is only in Baron “ You may rely upon me, sir,” said Sir Lendrick's eyes I am to look short-lived." Brook, bowing. "I have scarcely ever met

“ Just so; call on him — have a meeting a gentleman whose name I am not more with him ; say that his Excellency desires to likely to recall than your own.” act with every delicacy towards him — that “ Sharp, that; did you mean it ? ” said should it be discovered hereafter the right of Balfour, with his glass to his eye. nomination lies with the Court and not with “ I am never ambiguous, sir, though it ocus, we'll give him an equivalent somewhere casionally happens to me to say somewhat else, till till ”

less than I feel. I wish you a good day. “ Till I shall have vacated the post," chimed


(From a new volume in the press of Hurd g

The moon in splendor shone ;

“She walketh heaven alone, Houghton.]

And seeth all things,” to my-elf I mused ;

“ Hast thou beheld him, then, THE SURE WITNESS.

Who hides himself from men,

In that great power through Nature interfused? BY ALICE CARY.

No speech made answer, and no sign appeared,

But in the silence I was soothed and cheered.
The solemn wood had spread
Shadows around my head

Waking one time, strange awe
“ Curtains they are," I said,

Thrilling my soul, I saw
“Hung dim and still about the house of prayer;" A kindly splendor round about the night;
Loftly among the limbs,

Such cunning work and grand,
Turning the leaves of hymns,

No spinner ever planned ;
I heard the winds, and asked if God were there! The finest wool may not be washed so white.
No voice replied, bit while I listening stood,

“ Hast thou been in his hand?” I asked, and lo! Sweet Peace made holy hushes through the wood. The snow was all the answer of the snow.

Then my heart said “Give o'er ;
With hand,

Question no more, no more!
I saw the wild rose stand

The wind, the snow-storm, the wild hermit Beside the green gate of the summer hills ;

And pulling at her dress,

The illuminated air,
I cried, “Sweet Hermitess,

The pleasure after prayer,
Hast thou beheld him who the dew distils ?” Proclaim the unoriginated Power !
No voice replied, but while I listening bent, The mystery that hides him here and there,
Her gracious beauty made my heart content. Bears the sure witness, He is everywhere.'

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From the Spectator, Sept. 2. | ic but free — professed any resentment. THE “BALANCE OF POWER” OUT OF Next came the turn of Russia to break REPAIR.

through the treaty of Vienna by deliberate

ly absorbing Poland and setting the opinions The Convention of Gastein has probably of the Western Powers at defiance. Last of given the coup de grâce to most sensible men's all, Prussia and Austria -- or rather Prusfaith in the European political instrument sia with Austria as a reluctant accomplice called " balance of power.” As the “pro- have found their turn come round, France visional” disposal made of the quondam and Russia not finding their own interests Danish Duchies by that document, - of sufficiently deeply involved to take any step course these disposals are always "provi- on behalf of Denmark. England, the only sional” till the nerves of Europe are a little great power which has not followed the same accustomed to the new shock, and then they policy, which indeed by her free, popular are declared permanent, was the third in- constitution, has been forced into nearly stance of pure spoliation by a great pow- opposite policy, and has given up the lonian er" within the last six years, and the spoil- Islands to Greece while all the other Powation in each case was ignored by the other ers were enclosing new territory within their great Powers, on the ground that their own borders, – England, though herself giving interests were not sufficiently involved to instead of taking, has learned even better give occasion to interfere, the fine theory than the other great Powers to regulate her that the great Powers of Europe are always interference or non-interference abroad by sitting as a sort of committee to prevent en- the amount of the selfish risk she might incroachments on the weaker Powers which cur in the individual case through remaining are dangerous in principle to the peace of neutral. That England will only interfere Europe, can no longer hold out before the when English interests are threatened, is, or “ logic of events.” The truth is that as four appears to be, better established than the out of five of the great Powers of Europe same principle in the case of any of the desare in fact all but despotisms, and as no des potic States. The other Powers have stood potism can pretend alarm at the principle aloof, as much for the wish for a grasping of conquest so long as the conquest is made precedent which it may be convenient for from weak peoples and not so made as to them to quote and follow, as from any abthreaten strong thrones, it needs a very spe- stract principle of policy. But England, cial shock, a shock such as does not often while uniformly objecting in words to acts startle the world, to make those great Pow- of public robbery, has been praised by men ers feel any real uneasiness at an inroad, of all parties for refusing to draw the sword however cynical, upon the weak. The gi- except on her own behalf. gantic wars of Napoleon did indeed for a Who, then, can now talk of “balance of time frighten the great Powers of Europe power" as a prineiple guarded by the great into a certain community of antagonism to Powers

, and favourable to the weaker wards anything which savoured of territo- Powers of Europe, because protecting the rial encroachment. But that feeling has latter from wanton aggression.

The great long been dying away. First, Austria

gulp- Powers, instead of really co-operating to reged down the little republic of Cracow, when ulate the territorial changes of Europe, an empty and vain protest followed. Then take, each what it can get for itself, without Russia began to deal with the “ sick man's” seriously alarming the others for their own possessions, and would probably have been safety, and feels a modest confidence that permitted to annex them, bad it not suited no one will interfere so long as only the lilthe French Emperor to make a name for the tle neighbours are eaten up. That balance dynasty in Europe. The Crimean episode of power" consists in indulging only a modno doubt a little delayed the backsliding of erate greediness has been the principle of the the great Powers of Europe into their natu- great Powers since the assimulation of Saral policy of preying unrebuked on their voy and Nice by France. If they can only weaker neighbours. Nor were they easy manage to take it turn and turn about, to enough to begin again, till France had stop- annex, and to let their annexations keep a ped her own mouth by taking willing Savoy fair proportion to those of their sister Powand unwilling Nice for her pay atter the ers, the balance may still be reta ed, though campaign in Lombardy. At that proceeding constantly trimmed by equal additions to Austria, Prussia, and Russia looked on opposite scales. If France without Nice and with grim satisfaction, feeling no doubt that Savoy balanced Russia without a digested their own turn would come soon; and only and assimilated Poland, Prussia without England -- the one great power not despot- Schleswig, and Austria without Holstein,



then France plus Nice and Savoy probably fear of a new stroke of the same kind were balances just as well Russia with an over-run undoubtedly the disturbing forces which and denationalized Poland, Prussia plus prevented England from coming to any Schleswig and Lauenburg, and Austria plus hearty agreement with France to protect Holstein, or whatever she ukimately intends Denmark. Russia has succeeded in swalto take in place of Holstein, when she gives lowing Poland, and whether she can keep up Holstein to Prussia. Such, apparently, it down or not, she deeply irritated the is the only kind of trimming of the balance popular feeling both in France and Engwhich at present has any strong hold of the land in the process. Now that Prussia has imagination of the four great despotic Eu- followed suit by punishing, Denmark for ropean Powers. France has indeed a more not uniting Schleswig and Holstein, and generous conception of foreign policy and a immediately separating them herself with certain amount of sympathy with the pa preparations for absorbing one if not both triotic aspirations of distressed peoples, but absolutely into the Prussian monarchy, her own conduct in relation to Nice and German popular feeling is roused into a Savoy, her selfish views upon the frontier of similar fame of indignation, and the peothe Rhine, and finally her task in Mexico, ples of Europe at least, if not their rulers, render her both unwilling and unable to do are fast learning to believe, with the poet, anything alone in the interests of mere jus- that “ Earth is sick and Heaven is weary tice to prevent the other despotic Govern- of the hollow words which States and Kingments from following the example of mod- doms utter when they talk of truth and erate encroachment on convenient territory justice.” A state of European feeling in which she had set.

which every weak State knows for certain But this selfish substitute for " balance of that the Powers of Europe except Engpower,” this tacit agreement on the part of land will do each what is right in its own all the great Powers that each should let eyes, on condition only of not alarming the other plunder in turn, so long as noth each other, and England, though abstaining is done to disturb the relative impor- ing from all selfish aggrandizement, has tance of the more powerful States, is not a completely made up her mind to abstain sort of balance that can long rest undis- also from all acts of unselfish generosity turbed upon its pivot. It was not this sort that may involve her in war, is not signiof balance of power which was intended ficant of a peaceful future. Some popular when Switzerland was declared neutral, confidence in international justice is even when Belgium was, guaranteed against at- more necessary_than a mere balance of tack, nor even so late as 1852, when the forces, to keep Europe at rest. The balsuccession was fixed for the throne of Den- ance of forces may be unsettled any day mark by that common consent of the by a genuine alliance amongst some of European Powers on which the Convention these at present mutually distrustful Powof Gastein furnishes so cynical, a commen-ers. While each acts sullenly and alone tary. The only “ balance of power” which for its own interests there may be a sort of can have any sort of tranquillizing effect equilibrium indeed, but only unstable equion Europe is a virtual co-operation of the librium, which once disturbed is never regreater Powers to check any one of their stored. But if two great Powers are once own number, or any second-rate power not heartily allied for offence and defence, of their own number, in the unjust use of either for the sake of doing or preventing force against the weaker independent some great injustice, the smouldering irritaStates. At present it appears to mean tion of the peoples of Europe will be fuel " the privilege to annex, limited only by to the flame, and we may have another war fear of each other," instead of " the privi- on a grand scale, which these cynical anlege to resist territorial change, limited nexations of territory from weak States only by respect for the legitimate wishes of will in reality have provoked. Talk as we the great populations." The effect of act- will, and as the laissez-faire school does, ing on the former principle is more and of the pacific results of non-intervention, more visible every year in Europe. France there is a kind of non-intervention which has never yet laid the anger and the jeal- the great Powers of Europe have recently ousy to sleep which her cynical seizure of been studying and practising, that will do Nice produced The Radical party in as much to stir the passions of Europe as ' Italy regarded it, and regard it, as more the most fussy and mis-timed intervention. than an offset against all her timely help. Without a disposition to enforce justice England has never yet quite forgiven it, among the strong, the weak can never be and the resentment it produced and the either happy or quiet. Permitting your


neighbour to be robbed in peace so long of appeal from the local courts to the Court as you have reason to believe that you have of the United States, and how many' units yourself some security against that unpleas- among the three or four millions of negroes ant operation which he has not, will not will be in a position to press that right of promote the security of even the best appeal ? There is nothing to show that the guarded property long.

Mississippians, any more than the Alabamians, who definitely reject negro evidence, will consent to have the negro's evidence

against a white man received in court; From the Spectator.

and a powerful white oligarchy, unrestrain

ed by the local courts in their proceedings THE BOSTON MEN ON RECONSTRUCTION. against the negroes, will soon be able to

One of the ablest State papers which the restore a system as near to slavery as was American war has yet produced has been the apprentice system of Brazil, — which put for h by a Committee - chiefly, we be- was perhaps a little worse. lieve, of merchants at Boston, in the shape With the President thus eager to restore of a letter to the President on the question “ State rights” before he has secured huof reconstruction. It is signed by Mr. J. man rights, the memorandum of which we M. Forbes, Mr. Löring, Mr. Jared Sparkes, speak, certain as it is to exercise a strong Mr. Washburne, and a number of other gen- influence on the shrewd people of the Unittlemen who, throughout the war, have done ed States, becomes of the greatest imp more to infuse the popular view with a tance. Its logic seems to us so clear and irrespirit of real statesmanship than any other sistible, that it will mould opinion far and group of Americans not actually engaged wide on that great subject on which Mr. in the administration. But they have never Johnson knows his duty far too well not to yet issued a memorial so wide, searching, obey any distinct resolve of the people. It and statesmanlıke as this, which might com- begins by pointing out that whenever the pare favourably with the ablest papers ever States that have been in rebellion are fully issued by the ablest school of State-paper restored to their constitutional rights in the writing England has ever produced — the Federal Union, the very first point to be Indian pupils of the late Lord Dalhousie. Sir determined will be the basis of population John Lawrence's minute on the mutiny af- on which representation shall be accorded ter its suppression — prepared, we believe them in Congress. Hitherto the constituby one of the ablest of them, Mr. Richard tional rule has been to give to each SouthTemple — was not a more remarkable docuern State representation in proportion to the ment than this Boston memorandum on the number of free persons plus three-fifths of principles regulating any permanent paci- the number of ' all other persons” (i. e., fication of the South. Ofcourse the principal persons not free) contained in the State. point really discussed in this document is the Now there will be no longer any persons not future constitutional position of the negro in free, and the effect of the rule will therefore the South, —- for that, whether the decision be to give each Southern State a still greatbe against him or for him, is the one ques- er proportionate influence in Congress than tion that must in some way be settled be- it had before the war. Thus before the fore society in the Southern States can be war Mississippi had 354,000 wbites and re-organized. We regret to see that Presi- 436,000 slaves, consequently the population dent Johnson has already been signifying for s'ederal electoral purposes would have his intention of suspending the military oc- been reckoned at 354,000 plus three-fifths cupation in Mississippi, and restoring the of 436,000, that is, 615,000. Now, however, State to the Union with all its old privileges supposing the population had remained the directly she has a returned to her allegi- same during the war, the State would claim ance," — without any further guarantee for an influence in Congress calculated on the the settlement of this vexed question than basis of a population of 790,000, although the formal abolition of slavery by the Mis- out of these much less than half, namely, sissippi Convention. Everything else that only 354,000, would have any influence over the convention has done points to a disposi- the election. For though the United States tion hostile to the rights of the negro. It es- Constitution prescribes representation on a pecially presses for the withdrawal of all negro basis, of population, it leaves to the individtroops whose presence is probably the strong- ual States to determine what proportion of est check on ill-treatment of the negro. that population shall exercise any influence There will be no security whatever for his in sending representatives. Hence the fair treatment as a freeman except the power effect of the emancipation proclamation and


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the adhesion of the seceded States to the con- would be naturally cast in their own fastitutional amendment will be to give them a Is it conceivable that they would much larger proportionate influence in Con- thus stultify themselves? tbat they will be gress than before, but an influence wielded guilty of the grossest of all irjustices to their exclusively by the secessionist section of the allies in order to increase the power of their population. The freedmen will increase the enemies ? that they will obiige the freedmen political weight of the people most hostile to - for that is what it really means, — to the freedmen; the only absolutely loyal in- swell the power of those who grudge them habitants will put a new and very formida- freedom, when those wbo gave them 11eeble weapon into the bands of the disloyal dom might have all that power on their own inhabitants, for the purpose of weakening side. For if the old constitutional 1 ule be the emancipation policy of Congress. The allowed to work after emancipation, the slaveowners of Mississippi always had politi- freedmen will not only be no political benecal credit for three-fifths of their slaves; now fit to the Northern Siates; their extermithey are to be given credit for the other nation would be necessary in order to put two-fifths at the very moment when they the Northern States on terms of political most need such a gift to cripple the liberal equality with the Southern States. Having policy of the loyal States in the Federal as- powerful allies in the South, the administrasembly. The result will be, says the mem- tion is asked so to twist the influence of orandum, that "every hundred of the white those allies, that to all intents and purposes inhabitants of South Carolina will have as they will double the power of their ene mies much power through their representatives instead of indefinitely increasing their own. as two bundred and forty of the people of is such a combination of folly and crime Iowa ; one hundred white men in Mississippi possible to a shrewd American people ? will equal two hundred and twenty-three Should so absurd and suicidal a policy be men in Wisconsin ; one hundred white men really pursued, the memorandum points out in Louisiana will equal one hundred and with great force the patural result :- We ninety-eight in Maine; one hundred white felt that we needed — we waited until we men in Alabama will equal one hundred were compelled to feel that we needed and eighty-three in Connecticut ; and one their [the negroes') assistance in the war, behundred white men in Alabama and Louis- fore we accepted it; but when we accepted it, iana together will equal one hundred and victory came with it, - certainly with it, eighty-nine in Indiana.”. Thus the result whether because of it or not.

And again of this anomaly will be that the emancipa- we need their aid. If we permit in the tion of the Southern slaves will operate as conflicts that await us the assistance they a relative disfranchisement of the Northern will gladly give, it will certainly add greatly freemen. Even the memorialists do not put to the salety and strength of our country. the case strongly enough. Because the If we reject it, we can do so only by a South has obliged the loyal Americans to wrong, of which the retribution must be to turn the slaves into freemen, the Southern lessen our strength and increase our danger, oligarchy, which caused the rebellion, gains, and maybe to defeat and destroy those inat the expense of those who resisted it, an terests upon which the prosperity and the accession of power which makes on the good faith of the country are founded ; to average every quondam secessionist's vote as defeat and destroy those interests, because powerful as that of two Northern loyalists, we see fit to take from the loyal the force

an anomaly surely which no sane nation which of right belongs to them, and give it can permit. And how would this anomaly to the disloyal to increase their strength.” be brought about? By throwing the weight Nay, the memorialists quite rightly deny of the freedman without his consent into ihe the right of the North to make a sacrifice scale opposite to that into which he would which is not only injurious to itself, but may throw it himsef. And who would be guilty be deadly to the freedmen. Having deof this injustice ? Not the Secessionist, stroyed the interest of the Southern whites who would profit by it, but who has not yet in taking care of the physical lite of the neobtained any power to influence the course groes, by emåncipation, the effect of denyof events, but the Northern people, who will ing the negroes all political weapons is to suffer by it, and whose will for the future refuse them the right of protecting themis at the present moment law. In other selves against the inhumaniry and vindicwords, the North are asked to increase the tiveness of their former masters. Neverthemoral influence of the secessionists by an less, the memorialists admit that a great artificial arrangement which gives them en difficulty exists in giving the negro bis only bloc a mass of votes every one of which I natural protection, namely, the suffrage, at

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