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absence of positive contracts, you can build | to electoral abuses was vividly distinguishinternational policy, that they are always in able, he was a cypher in the great Reform danger of overlooking the minuter and agitation; a mild free trader, with very closer relations of interdependence between clear perceptions of the general argument the various constituents of the same national on which free trade rested, he never took society and State, which give rise to the high ground enough to be otherwise than higher sentiments of political justice and a cypher in the great free-trade agitation, equity. Lord Palmerston's political charac- He was a statesman of the telescopic school ter was moulded in what we may call the rather than the microscopic; who grasped international period, before the end of the the sweeping outlines, but never went deepgreat war, when politics meant almost the ly enough into the organic relations of vital same as policy. The feeling for the deeper domestic questions to satisfy the strong obligations between various classes, founded feelings and intense perceptions of those less on mere interest than on the knowledge who discussed them on the basis of right of the mutual injuries each is capable of and wrong. The study of wide internationinflicting, and the mutual help each is capa- al questions is scarcely a good preparatory ble of giving to the other, came later, when school for the narrower, deeper, more conthe more superficial but more noisy quarrels crete politics of a nation rapid growth. of the nations had been partly settled. Lord Palmerston first gained the ascendant Lord Palmerston always applied the easier when the nation became an undivided unit principle of external expediency to these in time of war and all interior questions had deeper and narrower questions. Although been laid to rest. And during peace he I wish the Catholic claims to be considered," kept it, chiefly because the peace was an he said as early as 1813, “ I never will ad- armed peace, in which external and intermit these claims to stand upon the ground of national relations were of far more imporright. To maintain that the Legislature of tance than the interior relations of class a country has not the right to impose such with class. political disabilities on any class of the com- And the same training which determined munity as it may deem necessary for the his province as a statesman, determined also welfare and safety of the whole, would be his peculiar power. He was above all things to strike at once at the fundamental princi- a masculine, lucid man of the world, appealples on which civilized government is found- ing to men's interests and honour rather ed. If I thought the Catholics were asking than either their passions, conscience, or for their rights, I for one would not go into their sentiments. There was a good hard committee.” So, too, when the question of grain in everything he said and everything Reform came on, he was always for giving a he did. What a public school hoy is to å little, early, in order to prevent the demand homebred boy, that was Lord Palmerston for much, later on. “I supported all the to most other English politicians. Nothing proposals for limited reform,” he said, “ be- was more characteristic than the way he cause I clearly foresaw that if they were pushed aside considerations which he refused we should be obliged to have reo thought womanish. When Mr. Disraeli course to wider and more extensive changes,” in 1859 complained of the language used and the same line of policy — policy in the towards the Tory Government as ungene: Foreign-Office sense — was always taken by ous or unfair, - Lord Palmerston asked if Lord Palmerston in discussing the questions they were a pack of children, to come whinof the deepest interest touching constitution- ing because they had received the usual al reform. Hence the grasp he had of home blows of party fight instead of giving back affairs, and the influence he exercised in as good as they got. When he was charged relation to them, was much slighter than in 1848 with neglecting the old alliances of that of some of his younger colleagues. To England, he replied sharply, “ As to the the end, - indeed never more than during romantic notion that nations or governments the Ministry closed by his death, — Lord are much or permanently influenced by Palmerston carried himself towards domestic friendships, and God knows what, why 'I questions in the same diplomatic attitude, say that those who maintain those romantic -- rather weighing the strength of the de- notions, and apply the intercourse of indimand for change, and the price of satisfying viduals to the intercourse of nations, are that demand, than entering into its intrinsic indulging in a vain dream. The only thing justice. Ilence he never yet was the repre- which makes one government follow the sentative of any intense or even eager advice and yield to the counsel of another party, on domestic questions. A mild re- is the hope of benefit to accrue from adoptformer so long as the malaise of society due ing it, or the fear of the consequences of


opposing it.” And he acted on the principle. There was no natural growth of sentiment He was sometimes given credit for an about public questions in his mind, and extravagantly French policy because it was when the conventions of society required his first policy, and his last, and because he something of that sort to be said, he said it thought it our interest to be the first to with a schoolboy's vague general impresrecognize Louis Napoleon after the coup d' sions of the“ sort of thing” that was wanted. état. But no English statesman ever gave But his humour was not bald, for it was a France harder blows, or shook her off more compound of perfect ease and presence of easily when he saw that she showed no mind with real enjoyment of the give and respect for this country's interests. No pet take of society. A Prime Minister who, methods of international action were ever though not without aristocratic hauteur, allowed to override the clear, bold counsels could put off, or rather who never put on, of policy. Lord Palmerston was not a man the grandeur of State, who not only had no to let his favourite instruments mould his shade of the late Sir Robert Peel's middleends. No doubt be stuck by the acts of class pompousness, but felt all the lively his subordinates on principle, — for he knew personal situations in the House of Comthat he could never get masculine and inde- mons as if they were opportunities for goodpendent agents if he disowned all their humoured enjoyment in his own private errors and availed himself only of their hits. circle, could not but have a rare fascinaThe same necessity which makes fidelity to tion of his own. No great Minister except personal engagements the first point in the himself would have thought of putting world's code of honour, made it one of the down a tiresome catechist like Mr. Darby first in Lord Palmerston's code of policy. Griffith when he inquired if a junior LordBut though he would defend an agent who ship of the Treasury were really vacant, had blundered in the due exercise of his and if it was Her Majesty's intention to fill responsibility, he never allowed a mere it up, by replying gravely that it was no mode of action to influence him after it had doubt vacant, that it was certainly Her ceased to be efficient. He threw over a Majesty's intention to fill it up, and then in useless alliance with as much alacrity as if mimic telegraph suddenly offering to place the language of friendship, which between it at his disposal if he could be bought at nations only covered decently, he thought, that price. "No public man of equally hard the promptings of national self-interest, had grain had ever so much real vivacity: never been used.

He was stronger than the men who surThe same habit of mind, however, which vive him. To him the world had been made him thus bold, decisive, vigorous in really a public school, and it had made him dealing with the clear interests of men, gave what he was by its discipline. Cooler and a certain baldness and inefficiency to his more sagacious than Lord Derby, far more style in dealing with those half-moral, half- solid and more sane than Mr. Disraeli, less sentimental sides of life, which press them- petty and more generous than Lord Russell, selves upon the public speaker. Nothing sounder and keener than Mr. Gladstone, could afford a greater contrast than speeches England will surely have occasion to regret of Lord Palmerston and Mr. Gladstone, on his hardy mind and high spirit. A generaany subject whatever, say, Italy, or com- tion of more limited, more sensitive, and merce, or peace. Lord Palmerston's speech perhaps richer-minded statesmen will possiwas, so to say, all skeleton, - the dry bones bly succeed him, but a bolder historic figure of clear self-interest just peeping through a will scarcely find its place among English little ineffective flesh of oratorical terms. statesmen of the second order, than that of Mr. Gladstone's is all living nerve and tissue, the great Minister we have lost. with perhaps even too little indication of the hard bone beneath. This it was that made Lord Palmerston's not unfrequent theological dissertations and eloquent moral senti

From the Spectator of 21 Oct. ment so grotesque; when, for instance, the Catholic disabilities were repealed, he said

THE VACANT PREMIERSHIP. that the labours of that session would form It will be weeks, it may be months, be" a monument - not of the crime or ambi- fore the magnitude of the event of Wedtion of man — not of the misfortunes or con- nesday is fully apprehended by the country. vulsions of society - but of the calm and It is not simply Lord Palmerston who has deliberate operation of Benevolent Wisdom died, but a Ministry which has expired, a watching the good of the human race.” cycle of political history which has come to Lord Palmerston's feeling was always bald. a termination. Lord Palmerston represent




ed, indeed he by himself almost was the po- prize at once. He has simply to say, as Sir litical interregnum, the period which divided Robert Peel once said, "I will not serve the active past from the yet more active again,” and every Ministry, which has not future. Whig by position and Tory by pre- him for its head, except Lord Derby's, must possessions, aristocrat in grain yet the fa. collapse, his coleagues must cheerfully or vourite of the middle class, distrustful of sullenly choose whether they will yield the popular sovereignty yet trusted by the body victory to their rival or their foes. Earl of the people, he was of all statesmen the Russell, Lord Granville, the Duke of Somone for an interregnum in ideas -- the erset, Lord Clarendon, name whom you coachman who could best hold the reins will — and it is a melancholy sign that no in the middle of a “block” which demand commoner save Mr. Gladstone is so much as ed careful driving, but no high speed of named his one essential condition will still progress. His function ends with the man be that Mr. Gladstone shall lead the Lower who performed it so well. Even before he House. The man whom every competitor died there were signs abroad that the pause says must be second may if he pleases be in affairs was drawing to a close, and now first, and not to please argues no small magthat he is gone there is no one who could namity. The leadership of the House of fill his special position, even if the nation Commons is often said to be equivalent to desired to see it filled. There is no one on the Premiership, but it is not. Lord Palwhom his mantle has descended, no one who merston himself declared that custom had can rule, and rule satisfactorily, without ap- created a constitutional distinction, which pealing to ideas, or exciting hopes, or mov- he defined before a Committee of the House ing forward, or moving backwards, or doing of Commons nearly in these words :-“ If anything except meet skilfully the home or the Premier differs with his colleagues they foreign emergency of the hour, no one for resign, but he does not,” and the office carwhom Tories will vote, yet whom Liberals ries with it even more than is involved in are unwilling to displace. The bond be the exercise of this highest patronage. The tween parties was his life, with his life it Premier, unless utterly weak, gives the tone has fallen through; and once again the old to the Government, represents it abroad, is combatants, whose struggles have lasted at home credited if not with its separate centuries and their truces years, the advo- measures, at least with its general direction, cates of change and the admirers of the can always moderate the initiative he may past, descend ungloved into the arena. By be compelled to accept. When he is really a strange irony of circumstances peace ends strong as Lord Palmerston was strong, with the life of one who was a man of as Mr. Gladstone would be strong, he does war from his youth up, and as the figure of in fact do what he seems to do, and to rethe great advocate of peace becomes more sign the prospect of the one luxury of visible before the crowd, the struggle begins statesman — visible initiative power-reto recommence. The lull is over, and al- quires in a statesman conscious of strength no ready all men are arguing eagerly on the light self-control. We believe that it will be fitness of leaders for the coming campaign, displayed by Mr. Gladstone, and that for arguing all the more bitterly because there the interest alike of the country and the exists, to the rage of one side and the grati. Liberal party it is better it should be disfication of the other, one fixed datum. played. The want of the country is not Speculate as they may and combine as they only a strong and progressive Minister, but will, one unalterable fact remains patent to a strong and progressive Goverment, and a all politicians — the key of the crisis is the Cabinet in which Mr. Gladstone's policy is position which Mr. Gladstone chooses to tempered by that of men sounder on foreign take or can be prevailed on to accept. The politics, on clerical questions, and possibly section of his party which decries him, the on the franchise, will possess a strength section which distrusts him, the section which his own Ministry would lack. It may which fears him, each while proposing its not be more moderate but it will seem more own combination admits — angrily, or re- moderate to the country, and men are ruled lunctantly, or wearily, it may be, but still by their impressions at least as much as fully — that without Mr. Gladstone a pro- by their experience. Even strong

Liberals gressive Ministry cannot now be formed. feel that to see every Continental paper

He ought therefore logically to be the announcing that “the policy of abstention head of the Government, which without has triumphed in England,” 'America suspihim could have no existence, and were he cious of the man who declared her already a self-seeking statesman he might, in spite dismembered, the High Church exulting in of all opposing circumstances, grasp the great its prospects of patronage, and workmen

demanding household suffrage, as“ prom-, and would be able, to face the great defecised” by the First Minister, would be draw- tion certain to follow Lord Palmerston's backs to their pleasure at their leader's ac- decease. They will be all the more able cession to power. They want his ideas to if Mr. Gladstone insists upon carrying into rule, and not his crotchets. As it is certain the Cabinet some strength besides his own, that no subordinate could temper the policy if the junction of Peelites and Whigs which of Mr. Gladstone as Premier, he must have gave us Lord Lord Palmerston's Governa chief, and there are, if we set aside vague ment becomes a junction of Whigs with Mr. speculations, but three probable names Gladstone's friends. Earl Russell, Lord Granville, and the Duke The secret of power lies there now, as it of Somerset, and of the three Earl Russell lay in the time of Pitt, in a union between is foremnost in the race. He has been Pre- the Liberal aristocracy, or hereditary mier, he is the natural chief of the great Whigs, and the representatives of the mass Whig connection still so powerful in the of the people. Their alliance, whenever it House, he is trusted by sections of the Liber- has occurred, has always proved irresistible, als who distrust Mr. Gladstone ---for exam- and the opportunity for such alliance is now ple, the Non-conformists — and he can, if any at hand. It is suggested that the country man can, temper the exercise of his great will prefer a minimum of change, that in colleague's strength. Mr. Gladstone, more- fact the Premiership alone needs to be filled ; over, may serve without discredit under a and this might be good policy, if the majorstatesman who held high office before he ity secured for Lord Palmerston could be himself had a beard, whose reputation is relied on for his successor. It is, however, still high throughont Europe, and with nearly certain that it cannot, and the new whose ends at least, if not his means, he him- Premier will be wise to take the opportunity self cordially agrees. The Duke of Som- afforded by a great event to form a Miniserset, though frequently named in political try which shall be recognized by the councircles, would be a surprise to the public, try and by Europe as a strong one. There and would require, to be thoroughly effi- is a necessity for new blood, and the House cient, a leader of the Lower House less in- of Commons, impatient of the preference dependent than Mr. Gladstone, while to shown to the Lords when the Premier sat Lord Granville, so often named, there may on its benches, is not likely to endure the be one fatal objection. Self-abnegation has absence of the Ministers for War, Foreign limits, and it is by no means certain that Affairs, and the Navy, and of the Premier either Mr. Gladstone or Earl Russell could besides. Mr. Gladstone will require debatconsent to serve under one who, however ing support in the Commons, support which popular, has been distinguished rather as in any serious emergency neither Sir courtier than statesman, and who is young- George Grey nor Sir Charles Wood is comer than himself both in years and in office. petent to give. Some re-organization is in

There is an etiquette in official as in private evitable, and we trust that in making it the life, which it is often painful to disregard, new Premier will consider nothing except and the heaven-born general who gives way the right of the country to the ablest Govat once to seniority often frets under a su- ernment obtainable, and of the party to a percession by favour, however purely nom- complete representation. Past services deinal. Earl Russell would seem to be the mand consideration whenever it is clearly inevitable Premier, and a Russell-Gladstone proved that they do not stand in the way Cabinet, supported at once, by the old of that first of national interests — a GovWhigs, the “Liberals” properly' so called, ernment which can rely on the support of and the Radicals, ought to be able, the House of Commons.


Rounding each year to its perfect close, 6 Nov., 1865.

Adding new strength to her tiny frame. Four bright summers !

Nameless graces and winning ways

What have they Came as the gift of their clear bright days. brought, What fair gifts to our little one ? Never a trouble or care or thought,

Guard our treasure, O Saviour dear! But merry gladness from sun to sun ;

“Changes and chances" this life shall bring ; Leaving their bloom on her cheek so fair,

Yet wherever her path lie here, And hiding their gold in her sunny hair.

Fold her safely beneath Thy wing:

Kept by thy guidance from cares and fears, Four keen winters have spread their snows

Lead her, Lord, through the coming year. Over the earth sinco our darling came,

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M. E. W.

From the Examiner, 14th October. the Confederation, nor the certainty of THE CANADIAN CONFEDERATION.

Canada’s exerting itself to the utmost for We were the first to doubt the expedi- the purpose of defence. We have promised, ency or possibility of the great Canadian ceded territory, and shown the Canadians Confederation. That project was, on its very clearly that we hold to them merely first announeement, so loudly welcomed for pride and honour's sake. They know by the press in general that we somewhat us, our intentions, our pusillanimity, our misdoubted our judgment in objecting to it. economy, and, at the same time, our desire But time has rolled on, and a large portion to retain the name of an empire, and our of the press, if not the majority, has come higgling to preserve even that at the least to feel and put forth the very scruples possible cost and risk. What is union, what which we at first ventured to pronounce. are sovereignty and allegiance worth, upon

We said at the time that if the Con- such conditions ? federation of British America was a military The Canadians are, however, anxious for measure against the United States it was the Confederation. It must be important not calculated to be effectual. The Ameri- for them to direct and become completely cans would have full choice of the point of masters of the maritime States. These do attack, and the time of it, and could easily not see the matter in the same light. What choose both in such a manner as to preclude are our gains, they ask, by having our inthe ocean provinces from furnishing any terests and counsels merged in those of aid to the internal provinces, and vice versa. Montreal or Ottawa ? They are under the If there were doubts of our ability to de- American thrall; New Brunswick is not. fend the Canadians, or enable them to de- New Brunswick, with the greatest sacrifice, fend themselves, there could be none what could not save the Canadians from whatever of our ability to defend the capital, ever fate or sovereignty they might assign the mines, and the provinces of Nova thereunto. But New Brunswick may wish Scotia. For these and more reasons than to be mistress of its own fate, and not find it is desirable to dwell upon, we questioned itself thrown, as a waif or a make-weight, the policy of our favouring the idea of a into a bargain or a surrender which would Confederation.

annihilate it. We are not surprised at the That it would not make the entire group objections of the provinces, but more surof colonies stronger against the only enemy prised that we should make so light of them. which could assail them was apparent. But What is the last news we hear from it was also apparent that the Confederation, Upper Canada ? It is that all the strong if weak against the Americans, would be arms and sturdy fellows are hieing to the very strong against ourselves. Supposing United States, attracted by the great want the Confederation formed even in project, and high rewards offered to labour. The there was really nothing with regard to New Brunswickers do not participate in those great regions which we could pru- that dangerous temptation. But we would dently refuse. If the Confederation, even throw them into it by facilitating not only whilst yet in posse, demanded to be allowed their political union, but their physical to purchase the Hudson's Bay territory, junction through communication with thehow could it be refused ? If they sought interior by an expensive and unremuneratto stretch their jurisdiction all over the ing railway. We have gone so far in the continent to the Pacific, including British business that we cannot now turn upon the Columbia, would it be wise to raise the Canadians and say them nay; but it is question of our maintaining that territory in- really too weak of England to be meddling, dependent? All these things have been asked, and preaching, and paying for what is all these things have been yielded. And what clearly no English advantage, but somehave we got in exchange? Nothing; not thing, in all probability, quite the contrary.

M. PARIs, of Paris, has made one more ef-live to whist-players may be doubted; but they fort to supersede thé ordinary playing cards are certainly an ornament to a drawing-room with a new set, having some artistic beauty and table, and we can imagine ladies and children some little wense. His pack is called an histor- liking them very much better than the convenical series, and the designs are certainly fanci. tional cards. ful and poetical. Whether they will be attract

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