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"You can't think how glad we are to have | knowing nobody, speaking to nobody, and him back again. I am sure if you only in a state of mind to commit suicide with knew him better" said Miss Marjori- pleasure; but Miss Marjoribanks, though banks. As for the Archdeacon, words could not give any idea of the state of his mind. He ate his dinner sternly after that, and did not look at anything but his plate. He consumed the most exquisite plats, the tenderest wings of chicken and morsels of paté, as if they had been his personal enemies. For, to tell the truth, he felt the tables altogether turned upon him, and was confounded, and did not know what it could

mean.

It was the General who took up Mr. Beverley's abandoned place in the conversation. The gallant soldier talked for two with the best will in the world. He talked of Cavendish, and all the pleasant hours they had spent together, and what a good fellow he was, and how much the men in the club would be amused to hear of his do mesticity. It was a kind of talk very natural to a man who found himself placed at table between his friend's sister, and, as he supposed, his friend's future bride. And naturally the Archdeacon got all the benefit. As for Lucilla, she received it with the most perfect grace in the world, and saw all the delicate points of the General's wit, and appreciated him so thoroughly that he felt half inclined to envy Cavendish. "By Jove! he is the luckiest fellow I know," General Travers said; and probably it was the charms of his intelligent and animated conversation that kept the ladies so long at table. Mrs. Chiley, for her part, did not know what to make of it. She said afterwards that she kept looking at Lucilla until she was really quite ashamed; and though she was at the other end of the table, she could see that the poor dear did not enjoy her dinner. It happened, too, that when they did move at last, the drawing-room was fuller than usual. Everybody had come that evening Sir John, and some others of the county people, who only came now and then, and without any exception everybody in Carlingford. And Lucilla certainly was not herself for the first half-hour. She kept close to the door, and regarded the staircase with an anxious countenance. When she was herself at the helm of affairs, there was a certain security that everything would go on tolerably-but nobody could tell what a set of men left to themselves might or might not do. Perhaps, after all, this was the most dreadful moment of the evening. Mrs. Mortimer was in the drawing-room, hidden away under the curtains of a window,

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she had cajoled her into that martyrdom, took no notice of Mrs. Mortimer. She was civil, it is true, to her other guests, but there could not be a doubt that Lucilla was horribly preoccupied, and in a state of mind quite unusual to her. "I am sure she is not well," Mrs. Chiley said, who was watching her from afar. "I saw that she did not eat any dinner"-and the kind old lady got up slowly and extricated herself from the crowd, and put herself in motion as best she could, to go to her young friend's aid.

And

It was at this moment that Lucilla turned round radiant upon the observant assembly. The change occurred in less than a moment, so suddenly that nobody saw the actual point of revolution. Miss Marjoribanks turned round upon the company and took Mr. Cavendish's arm, who had just come up-stairs. "There is a very, very old friend of yours in the corner who wants to see you," said Lucilla; and she led him across the room as a conqueror might have led a captive. She took him through the crowd, to whom she dispensed on every side her most gracious glances. "I am coming directly," Miss Marjoribanks said—for naturally she was called on all sides. What most people remarked at this moment was, that the Archdeacon, who had also come in with the other gentlemen, was standing very sullen and lowering at the door, watching that triumphal progress. it certainly was not Lucilla's fault if Mrs. Chiley and Lady Richmond, and a few other ladies, were thus led to form a false idea of the state of affairs. "I suppose it is all right between them at last." Lady Richmond said, not thinking that Barbara Lake was standing by and heard her. According to appearances, it was all perfectly right between them. Miss Marjoribanks, triumphant, led Mr. Cavendish all the length of the room to the corner where the widow sat among the curtains, and the Archdeacon looked on with a visible passion, and jealous rage, which were highly improper in a clergyman, but yet which were exciting to see. And this was how. the little drama was to conclude, according to Lady Richmond and Mrs. Chiley, who, on the whole, were satisfied with the conclusion. But, naturally, there were other people to be consulted. There was Mr. Beverley, whom Miss Marjoribanks held in leash, but who was not yet subdued; and there was Dr. Marjoribanks, who began to feel a little curiosity about his daughter's movements,

and did not make them out; and there was | Cavendish in safety, she faced round upon Barbara Lake, who had begun to blaze the malcontents and upon the observers, like a tempest with her crimson cheeks and and on the world in general. Now that black bold eyes. But by this time Lucilla her mind was at rest, and everything under was herself again, and felt the reins in her her own inspection, she felt herself read y hands. When she had deposited Mr. and able for all.

THE FENIAN FUND.

Ir is not often that we reproduce a mere article of news, without comment of our own, but we feel it the duty of every English journalist to give as much publicity as possible to the strange and disgraceful facts revealed in the following list of American Contributions to the Fenian Fund. The list itself was found among the papers upon the person of one of the Americans who were arrested in the Australian, on the 14th instant, and has been published among the evidence taken at the Castle. Only the gravest considerations would induce us to depart from the ordinary custom of this journal in regard to news, but in presence of the impending crisis the case is exceptional.

Dollars, 8,937,206

Contributions received, or promised, in New York,
Washington and Boston, to the Fund in aid of
the Irish Patriotic Fenians.
Amount already credited
Hon. Charles Sumner,
William Cullen Bryant,
Hon. Henry J. Raymond (N. Y. Times),
Miss Anna E. Dickinson,
Hon. Horace Greeley (Tribune),
Mr. Erastus Brooks (Express),
James Gordon Bennett,

Mr. Prime (Journal of Commerce),
Rev. H. W. Beecher,
Lester Wallack,
General Couch,

General Grant,

Morton M Michael (Philadelphia),
Judge Ludlow,
Governor Sharkey,
Hon. Gi con Welles,

Henry W. Longfellow,

Mrs. D. P. Bowers,'

Mr. and Mrs. Barney Williams,
Bachelors at Astor House Hotel,
The waiters at Delmonico's,
"Fanny Fern," per N. P. Willis, Esq.,
Herr Maretzek,

Messrs. Harper,

A few Actors at the Bowery,
Editor of the Atlantic Monthly.
Washington Thumb, Esq. (Father of
General T. Thumb),
Arthemus Ward, Esq.,

Hon. Benjamin Wood (Daily News),

Firemen of the Plugugly Brigade,
The Bishop of Alabama,
The Davenport Brothers (per D. L.
Edwin Forrest,
Bayard Taylor, Esq.,
Boucicault, Esq.),
General Lee,

The Original Christy Minstrels,
President Johnson's Laundress,
Phineas Barnum (promised),
Rev. Brigham Young,
A few of his Wives,
Anglodetestator,

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(American papers, please copy.) -Punch, 28 October.

THE WONDERFUL SPRING AT ANDERSONVILLE. - Mr. F. C. Grant, who was a member of Battery A, of the Eleventh Vermont Regiment, and who spent four months within the stockade at Andersonville, gave us a history of the wonderful spring that burst out there, that we never remember to have seen in print. Every 1,000 one, we presume, is aware that the pen in which 1,000 through which ran a sluggish brook, and from 1,000 the prisoners were kept inclosed a swamp 500 this brook the prisoners received their supply of 500 water. This water was never fit to drink in its 500 best estate, but in addition to its natural unfit3,000 ness, it ran down by the Rebel camp before it 100 entered the stockade, and received the excre1,000 ment and filth from that. This, of course, ren

500

50 dered it intolerable. About the middle of Au1,000 gust, 1864, or perhaps a month and a half after 3,000 the Vemont boys entered the stockade, there came one day a very heavy thunder shower of 1,000 some forty minutes' duration; and from that time 40 a spring of pure water burst forth from a sand500 hill near the dead line, and flowed in such 20 quantities as to supply the entire camp of some 50 25,000 or 30,000 prisoners. Some of the men 100 looked upon this as a direct interposition of 2,000 God for their salvation; and all thought it 40 very remarkable for two reasons:- The source 5 whence it came, a dry sandy knoll, and the pu20 rity and quantity of water, it being so unlike 10,000 all other water in that vicinity, even that found 25 in wells. This spring continued to send forth 50 its pure fountain during the remainder of the

time our prisoners were kept there, and for 2 aught our informant knows, does so to this 20 day. Has the day of miracles passed?-Ver100 mont Chronicle.

The

From the Spectator of 21 Oct. bination of powers. The simple publication of THE FOREIGN POLICY OF AMERICA. such a despatch would rouse the French sentiment of national honour to a point at which POPULAR delusions are very hard to kill. all defects in the Imperial policy would be In spite of the experience of the Civil War, forgotten in the urgent demand for satisfacof the surrender of Mason and Slidell, of tion. The American Government knows all the terrible persistency displayed during that at least as well as we do, and the dethree years of constant defeat, thousands of spatch therefore, had it been written, could Englishmen still believe that the American have had no intention except to provoke a Government is a creature of the popular war of which no man can perceive the imwill, has neither purpose, nor authority, nor mediate object. Is it to defend the Monroe statesmanship, can calculate no chances, an- doctrine? That is neither safer nor less ticipate no dangers, exhibit neither patience safe because President Johnson, refusing to nor self-respect. Nothing short of a preju- recognize Maximilian, awaits a more favourdice like this, of a belief, that is, indepen- able time for accelerating his departure. Is dent at once of fact and argument, could it conquest? The youth of the South has have induced men otherwise well informed been exhausted in the scarcely-ended strugto believe that President Johnson, with gle, and it is to the South only that Mexico his army just disbanded, his sailors just paid could add new political resources. off, his Treasury just opening the last au- North, already divided on the claims of four thorized loan, the South still full of suffer- millions of black men to political power, ing, and the West still crying for labour, certainly does not desire to supplement that had, without the smallest new provocation, embarrassment by the claims of six millions selected the approach of winter to declare of brown men. Is it war for its own sake, war on France. For the despatch about as a means of internal conciliation? PresFrench reinforcements to Mexico palmed ident Johnson, Southern as he is, is scarceoff in some strange way upon the Times' ly likely to alienate the West, which is correspondent amounted to nothing less hungering for labour and freedom of exthan that. For years past the diplomacy of port, in order that the South may recomEurope has forgiven to that of America a mence the Civil War with some prospect of certain blunt directness and harsh lucidity success? Or is it in order to repudiate with of statement which in the servants of a mon- a decent pretext of insolvency? The Southarchy would have been thought insulting, ern members may be ready to decree such but in those of a republic was held with a confiscation, but Yankees are not the some bitterness to be only characteristic. people to commence a war in order to deMr. Seward has once or twice availed him- prive themselves of the possibility of carryself of that privilege to its full extent, lec-ing it on. They like victory, those men, turing European statesmen with the mali- as well as we others. Is popular caprice cious frankness which friends who at heart the sole motive? If the war has established are not friendly are so apt to display. But a single fact, it is that the popular will has there are limits of language which Ameri- too little power over the Presidential Govcan statesmen are no more willing to pass ernment, that the White House does not than European statesmen to overlook, and respond quickly enough to the changes in in the despatch attributed to Mr. Seward public sentiment, that the President instead on the Mexican reinforcements those limits of being a "mandatory," as the French Rewere altogether left behind. An Emperor publicans used to say, is only too effective of the French told that another power will a leader. The immense body of waverers not "permit" the despatch of reinforce- follow the cue given them from Washington ments to a French army must despatch them, so obediently, that Connecticut refuses the or confess defeat before he has been attack- suffrages to negroes, in opposition to all ed, and when the Emperor is a Napoleon her own principles, because Mr. Johnson there is no doubt as to the alternative he thinks refusal will smooth the way to rewill choose. Indeed he would have no op- construction. tion in the matter. France as a country distrusted the Mexican expedition, dislikes the outlay on Mexico, and dreads a war with the United States in which if she has little to fear except the loss of an army she has nothing whatever to gain, but France is not prepared to accept orders from any power in existence, nor until defeated from any com

Concede that the North is elated with success, so elated that it believes it can accomplish all things, and still there is no inducement to seek another immediate victory.

We believe that it is possible if prejudice is once laid aside, if we once begin to believe that Americans are governed like other people, by their interests, and their

passions, and their common sense, to under- | now he must organize a new fleet just as stand as much of the foreign policy of the old one is dismissed, and reconstruct an America as of that of any other great nation. army scarcely disbanded. On the other The "mob power" so often talked about hand, nothing whatever is lost to the Union simply does not exist, and the private ideas by waiting. The compensations claims can or wishes of Mr. Seward or President be protracted for ever, and England and Johnson will no more make war than the America have too many points of contact not private ideas of Napoleon or M. Drouyn De to make war when really desired by either Lhuys. There can be no doubt that the side an easy possibility. On the other war has awakened Americans to a keener hand, nothing that Maximilian can do can perception of their own national power, just make Mexico strong enongh to defend herself as the revolutionary war awakened Eng- against the Union, nothing can happen to lishmen. There can be as little that it has Napoleon to make him more willing to procreated a new impression of the seriousness of tect Mexico than he now is, when protecwar, a novel dislike to the burdens it produces, tion is a vital necessity to the new régime. a fresh inclination to consider well whether Time is all on the side of the Union, the object is worth the cost. A man may which does not expect to grow weaker, but be strong enough to swim in boots, but still stronger, and time therefore its rulers are boots do not increase his strength. Under almost certain to take. They may desire to the influence of those two feelings the Gov- punish England for neutrality, or France ernment, whatever its policy or whatever for invading Mexico, but with their new its own inclinations, is sure to adopt a some- conviction of strength and novel steadiness what haughtier tone, a somewhat more in- of policy they will be more ready than ever terfering attitude, and a very much graver to postpone those great undertakings. policy of international intercourse. With That is all into which politicians need the new power has come also a new sense inquire, all into which, had America a sepof responsibility, and we shall, we believe, arate language, they would dream of inquirfor the future see in the policy of the Union ing. Who thinks of speculating for State more of the decision, forbearance, and stead- purposes on the policy France may pursue iness of European statesmanship. Indivi- when the Empire has passed away, or of indual opinions, and class prejudices, and quiring in what temper Russia may be four even personal theories will still have their or five years hence? It is sufficient that weight, as they have in Europe, but the France at present has neither cause for war current will be both deeper and less noisy. nor interest in waging it, that Russia cannot An injury or an insult will be avenged more as yet attempt the conquest of India. When strongly, a war commenced with greater France has cause she may fight, but the hesitation. Internal affairs, again, instead circumstances will not be those of to-day; of becoming simpler have grown more com- before Russia is prepared any change in plicated; there are more obstacles to rash our position or hers may have occurred. To external decisions than ever there were be- reason as from a fixed fact that America fore. There is a legend that President Mad- will disturb the world and throw back civiison declared war on England while playing lization simply because she may hereafter at chess, but President Johnson has to con- find a favourable opportunity is not only unsider how Southern prosperity is to be re-wise, but is a want of wisdom we never show invigorated without markets, how the West would bear the stoppage of immigration, how the people whose currency is still onethird below par will endure further taxation and expense. He has to think if he invades Canada whether he wants three millions more of disaffected white, if he enters Mexico how he is to control six millions more of disaffected coloured folk. It is impossible for him to act on impulse, even were he impulsive, and to attempt now a work which can be performed at any time, or to attempt it without preparation, would be impulsive to foolishness. To fight England now would be to fight France also, for Napoleon is sure to seize on the only opportunity of realizing his ideas; to fight France

THIRD SERIES. LIVING AGE. VOL. XXXI.

in observing the movements of any other power. We never suppose that a Frenchman will cut off his nose to spite his face, and why should the far shrewder Yankee do it? To talk of national bitterness as the only cause of war is opposed to all facts. England and France were as jealous from 1815 to 1851 as England and America are now, and still the peace was kept; Germans and French are more contemptuous, and still both countries refrain from conflict. A struggle of course may come, after the sudden development of new military power it usually does come, but to consider that because it may come therefore a great power will choose the exact moment most incorvenient to itself, is to deny the existence

1424.

of foresight in the management of public | resented the services of a generous guardian affairs. We believe that the governing class in the United States feels keenly the value of two or three years of rest, and that until harmony has been restored within, it intends to avoid foreign war. To look beyond that for policy is simply to calculate without data.

From the Spectator of 21 Oct.
LORD PALMERSTON.

and of a steady enemy to one of her most detestable usurpers; to Spain, the friend of Spanish freedom and Spanish independence against the overwhelming influence of France; to Italy he represented the warmest sympathies with her national aspirations, and a share by no means insignificant in the elevation of the Piedmontese monarchy and arms to a position in Europe from which it became possible to strike a blow for unity; to Austria he represented a curious mixture of traditions, some of them conciliatory, many of them menacing, all of them didactic; to Turkey he was as "the shadow of a great rock," saving her from imminent destruction; to Russia he was a once defeated, often thwarted, but on the whole a formidable and triumphant foe; to Prussia a stumblingblock and an offence; to France an ally who had once and again gained her influence in Europe, who knew her strength and greatly valued her aid, but who never hesitated to countermine her intrigues and revenge her breaches of faith when he found her betraying the popular cause on behalf of which he had sought her alliance. In all these countries the name of England recalled immediately the actions and the wishes of Palmerston, and when there was talk of the purposes of England the chief element in their calculations was the probable state of mind of him whom we have lost. There are no doubt others remaining, one at least whose name is often on their lips, and with some of whose views they are familiar; but in losing Lord Palmerston we have lost a real part of our acknowledged significance in the councils of Europe, and shall exercise, at first, less influence over the imagination even of statesmen in foreign Courts than we have wielded for the last half-century. And for the most part, we believe, though not perhaps completely, the foreign influence we have thus lost was a useful and wholesome influence, which gave us much power for good and little for evil.

A GREAT historic figure has disappeared from English political life with the death of Lord Palmerston; and when we have said this we have by no means expressed a merely imaginative or sentimental sense of loss, for in losing the recognition and distinct significance which attach to great names, England unquestionably loses also power. What it would be to a private person to find the meaning of his past life, however insignificant, suddenly obliterated from the minds of his acquaintances, - what it would be to us as a nation were the influence of our statesmen suddenly reduced to the same level as that of the American Johnsons, Sewards, Welleses, and Stantons, the stroke of whose pens can move indeed a physical power almost as great, if not greater than our own, but whose names carry with them as yet no associations much more persuasive than so many labels for the intelligent engineers of enormous trains of physical force, that it is in part, though only, of course, in part, when the man who embodied to other nations, far more than any half-dozen of our statesmen, our recent political history and national aims, vanishes from the scene. England is not weakened except by losing the judgment and experience of one man, but the impression which the name of England makes on the minds of other Courts, Cabinets, and peoples suddenly shrinks in fulness of meaning, becomes a blanker assemblage of political possibilities, stirring It is true, however, of Lord Palmerston, fewer memories and exciting less distinct as of most of the historie figures of the expectations than before. Think only what political era to which he belonged, that the Lord Palmerston represented in relation to very education and the very qualities which English foreign policy. To Belgium he fitted him to exercise a wide influence stood in the attitude of political parent, and abroad, diminished the depth of his influence it is said, with what truth we do not know, over home affairs. The politicians to whom that the name of Belgium was on his lips nations are habitually the units of calculaduring the occasional wandering of his last tion rarely base their view of the reciprofew hours of exhaustion; to Greece he cal duties of different elements of the same stood somewhat in the position of "those nation on the highest grounds. They are fathers of our flesh" who take the right of so accustomed to those larger and vaguer chastening what they have in some measure principles of expediency, like "balance of called into existence. To Portugal he rep-power" for instance, on which alone, in the

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