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somewhat as Hamlet did when he jumped his presence would be a nuisance if he did upon Laertes at the grave of Ophelia. Send so. So he went to the little inn at Redia her seventy-five pounds indeed, while he cote, reaching that place between four and was ready to drink up Esil for her, or to five o'clock in the morning; and very unmake over to her the whole Belton estate, comfortable he was when he got there. and thus abandon the idea for ever of being But in his present frame of mind he preBelton of Belton !

ferred discomfort. He liked being tired He reached Taunton in the middle of the and cold; and felt when he was put into a night, — during the small hours of the morn- chill room, without fire, and with a sanded ing in a winter night; but yet he could not floor, that things with him were as they bring himself to go to bed. So be knocked ought to be. up an ostler at the nearest inn, and ordered Yes, – he could have a fly over to B·lton out a gig. He would go down to the vil. Castle after breakfast. Having learned so lage of Redicote, on the Mipehead road, and much, and ordered a dish of eggs and ba on put up at the public-house there. He could for his morning's breakfast, he went upnot now have himself driven at once to stairs to a miserable little bedroom, to dress Belton Castle, as he would have done had himself after his night's journey. the old squire been alive. He fancied that

THE ALLOCUTION ON FREEMASONRY. | And what of those most horrid oaths, with cerO VENERABLE Brothers of our sacrosanct Con

emonies sinister, sistory,

Which they are to each candidate reported to

administer ? There is a confraternity wrapt up in darkest

mystery, Themselves the men of Masonry and Freedom But what we most detest in them excites our they denominate:

ire professional; All frecilom, save our own, we do most utterly It is that Secret which they keep in spite of the abominate.


O reticence most obstinate of stubborn indocility This good-for-nothing, execrable, pestilent So. That dares hold any thing concealed from our ciety,

Infallibility! United in the fellowship of error, and impiety, Extends itself, O shame! the whole world hab- It is an ermr to believe in what they call their itable wide over,

charity, Beside that universal realm which we as King As though they with the Faithful were at all preside over.

upon a parity,

Condemned be the suggestion of such scandal. Of all law, human and divine, the enemies these ous equality! wretches are.

Their ends are eating, drinking, conviviality, Tartarean brood, among the corn they, burn and jollity.

them, vilest vetches are. They glory in the practice of all manner of The rain of the Church and Civil Government

atrocity, And specially addicted are to guzzling and gul. No visionary phantom 'tis that wo are now do

they 'rc aiming at. osity.

claiming at; There is in that proud Capital with River Thames The Freemasons and Fenians are only two variirriguous,

cties A temple nearly to the Fields of Lincoln's Inn Of secret sacrilegious and heretical societies.

contiguous. There are they wont to celebrate their orgies Their aprons he anathema, their gems and dec. with audacity

orations :)); Unheard of, gurmandizing with incredible vo. Their symbols, signs, and passwords we declare racity.

abominaiions all;

And, if they do not penance and submit to Our What shall I say of gridirons when they neo authoriry, phvtes initiate ?

Adjudge them to the regions of profound in. And what of red hot pokers in commencing a feriority. noviciale?

- Punch.

From the Spectator Oct. 14. 1 it not been almost forced upon him by the THE AMERICAN CLAIMS.

fact that the secret feeling of the American

people has always supported him, and supThe correspondence between Mr. Adams ported him very strongly in his view, - in and Lord Russell on the question of com- insisting so much on what he calls our“ prepensation for the damages inflicted by the cipitate and unprecedented" recognition of Alabama and her consorts on the commer- the South as a belligerent power as the cial marine of the United States is too origin of the naval cxploits of the Confedgrave, moderate, and carefully self-restrained erates, and the source of all the subsequent on both sides not to wear an uncomfortable mischief. Lord Russell admits indeed that aspect to all who wish for permanently the recognition was “unprecedented” in its pacific relations between the two countries. earliness, but he points out that all the cirBoth the statesmen write with that care cumstanies were unprecedented also, that and guarded courtesy which show how sen- they involved interests unprecedently large, sible they are to the possible ill effects of a spread over an unprecedented area of the single word of needless provocation, and globe, and absolutely calling for as early as each has enough of precedent on his side possible a definition of our policy.

We either in the former conduct of the other or acted before France, it is true, but the imthe vague maxims of international law gen- mense maritime interests involved required erally, to make the case look like one for us to take the lead. It would have been compromise, without affording sufficient pop- mere shutting our eyes to facts to affect to ular apology to any but a weak power for doubt the existence of a war certain to yielding its own views. If either were no- cover indeed then covering - a vast area, toriously the inferior of the other in strength, and certain to involve dozens of ports disthere is sufficient of doubtful matter on both tributed along the whole coast from Mexico sides to make a concession on either side to the Potomac; and it would have been feasible, and if there were no popular irrita- childish to doubt that the President in protion in the United States there is no ques- claiming the blockade, really meant to exertion but that the policy of the United Siates cise the rights of an international

, not merely in former discussions of the same kind would of a municipal blockade, and stop all assistbe sufficient justification for a silent with ance sent to his enemy on the high seas if drawal of the claims of the Government. necessary. The assertion now made, that But in fact the irritation in the States, but for England and France the blockade especially since the piratical ravages of the would have been purely municipal, and its Shenandoah among the whalers in Behring's riglits not been exercised on the high seas Straits subsequent to the close of the war, ať all, is simply ridiculous. To have been is intense, and on the other hand, the Eng- guilty of such a neglect of natural advanlish people are in no mood to concede claims tages would have been in the highest degree of a kind which the United States peremp- culpable, and not permitted by the Ameritorily repudiated towards Portugal as recent- can people for a moment. We do not believe ly as fifteen years ago. The situation is that the thought of a mere municipal blocktherefore one in which neither party is in- ade ever crossed Mr. Lincolu's mind. It is clined to recede a single step, and yet in a mere gloss of controversial criticism now. which there is but little chance of the con- But Mr. Adams says we might have waited, troversy sinking into abeyance without as the custom is, till the need for the discusserious consequences. Arbitration has been sion of the international law bearing on the proposed and absolutely refused by Lord subject had been forced upon us by a conRussell, and the mixed Commission which he creie case of capture. No doubt we might, has suggested in its place, to consider all but we were not obliged to do so, the war such claims for injuries done to the subjects being a flagrant fact, and its dimensions no of either nation through the war as either Gov- matter of reasonable doubt. And undoubternment shall consent to submit, is evidently edly the necessary tendency of all the modpot intended to cover the only class of inju- ern practice in such cases, — necessary ries on which the pride of the American because the scale of transactions to which Union is really roused. We will briefly the practice of each neutral and belligerent sketch the strongest aspects of each side of in such wars applies grows so rapidly from the case, and point out the only consideration generation to generation, - is to take a in which we can see any reasonable hope of definite line as early as possible, in order coming to a mutual understanding. that all the interests affected in every part

Mr. Adams has, we think, made a mistake of the globe may not be without early notice. - a serious mistake we should think it, had | It behoved us to let our Australian colonies,


for instance, know at once whether the 'apology for their refusal to adopt the new Southern privateers which Mr. Davis had clauses suggested by Mr. Adams and emdeclared his intention to send out, were to bodied in the American Act. Our Governbe treated as pirates or to have the rights of ment maintain that in the hands of the belligerents. Thereon depended in great American Government those clauses had measure of course the behaviour of such proved practically quite as inefficient as our privateers to neutral ships, and the subse- own Act, weak as it is, in the hands of the quently proved poverty of the Confederate British Government, — and that in four resources in manning and sending out these years far more cruisers escaped from Ameriships, which bore so little proportion to can ports to assist the revolution against their resources on land, though it was scarce- Portugal than escaped from English ports to ly anticipated in England, would, even if it assist the Confederates in the same time. had been known, bave furnished no excuse It does not seem likely therefore that bad for not giving the naval rights of a belliger- we adopted Mr. Adams's suggestion it would ent to any power so well-organized on land have removed the cause of offence. Of as to cover millions of square miles with re- course Lord Russell has not much to say in bellion for four years. In short, no one can excuse for the escape of the Alabama, and deny that the promptness of our action in on this head, except so far as to exonerate this matter was in the interests of humanity the Government from any wilful neglect, and of commerce, and that under similar his answer is exceedingly weak. The Board circumstances the American Government of customs had pledged themselves to keep would certainly have been equally prompt, a strict watch on the vessel,” which they and justified in such promptness by the nec- failed to do, and the telegram to detain her essary conditions of modern commerce and was not sent till two days after her escape. warfare. It is true that Mr. Adams is right It was a blundering business, as we may very in saying that if we had held the Southern well afford to confess, but it was the only privateers to be pirates, we should have had case in which all reasonable and legal preno Alabama difficulties, because they would cautions were not taken; and the United have been deprived of all ports but the States refused to be responsible for much generally inaccessible Southern ports. But worse and more numerous deficiencies of a to treat them as pirates would have been similar kind in the case of Portugal. impossible in any part of the world. As Where good faith and a reasonable amount Lord Russell justly observes, even in the of diligence have been shown, no State can North itself it was impossible to treat either be expected, except on grounds of high privateersmen as pirates, or the Southern policy affecting its own future, to accept any soldiers as rebels. And this being obvious responsibility for acts done by those over to all the world, it was the clear duty of whom it has no control, simply because a England to take the position necessarily minor administrative blunder of its own laid down for ber by every consideration of was one condition of the power to commit prudence and humanity as early as possible. those acts. For the escape of the Shenan.

On Mr. Adams's second point, that, belli- doah, as Lord Russell shows, we are in no gerent rights once granted, our Foreign En- way to blame. No evidence was produced listment Act proved inadequate to its end, against it, and its equipment was all manthat our Government refused to strengthen aged in waters where we had no jurisdiction. it, though requested by the United States Is there, then, no ground at all on which and baving half acceded 10 the re- an approximation between the views of the quest, that inefficient as it was, it was even two Governments might be attained withstill less efficiently administered, he has a out sacrifice of dignity on the part of either? very much stronger case, and Lord Russell We think there is. America has, since the only becomes effective in reply when retort- beginning of the century, exactly changed ing with his tu quoque by recalling the con- places with England, upholding now the sistent conduct and language of the Feder- claims of belligerents which she formerly al Government itself towards Portugal be- resisted, and resisting the claims of neutrals tween 1816 and 1850. There is no doubt which she formerly upheld. England's attiwhatever that our Foreign Enlistment Act tude is equally inconsistent with that taken when tried by the test of experience was by her in Lord Stowell's time, when she quite unequal to the demands on it, and was intent upon curbing the mischievous that the only cases in which the Govern- power of neutrals to assist belligerents. ment adequately fulfilled its intention were Ought not this reciprocal change of position those in which they exceeded the powers to suggest to both Governments the dangers given them. There is more to be said in | attending a too exclusive advocacy of the

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rights of either belligerent or neutral, and catch them in the opposite mood, and secure, an agreement in some new line of policy - by a reasonable concession, their better confreely admitted by both as inconsistent with duct for the future. some of their own former positions, and accepted, no! on the strength of former precedents, but for their own interest as a precedent for the future? We do not hesitate

From the Saturday Review, 14th Oct. to say that there is great future danger to THE CORRESPONDENCE OF EARL RUSSELL us in asserting the rights of neutrals even

AND MR. ADAMS. so strongly as Lord Russell does in the present controversy. If, says Mr. Adams, The letters which have passed in the neutrals are to be permitted in future to re- last few months between Lord RUSSELL fuse all responsibility for the acts of cruisers and Mr. Adams, and which have just been which have escaped from their ports, whether published, are very creditable to their with or without culpable negligence, “ neu- writers. The arguments are good, the langtral ports will become the true centres from uage is good, and the sentiments are very which the most effective and dangerous en- good. We in England may be especially terprises against the commerce of belliger-glad that the conduct of the case on behalf ents may be contrived, fitted out, and exe. of the United States has fallen into the cuted.

Ships, men, and money hands of Mr. Adams, who argues with will always be at hand for the service of moderation and courtesy, who knows how any power sufliciently strong to hold forth to put his strong points without anything a probability of repayment in any form, or like blustering and arrogance, and who has adroit enough to secure a share of the pop- the mind of a lawyer, and, while he makes ular sympathy in its undertakings. New the best of all on which he can really rely Floridas, Alabamas, Shenandoahs will appear does not run a weak argument to death. on every sea.” This argument has always The subject of the correspondence is the seemed to us to have the greatest force, and American claims against us for compensawe have frequently pressed it on English tion on account of the injuries inflicted by statesmen.

We can blockade Prussian ships in the Confederate service, but fitted ports, for instance, but if Prussia may give out and armed from England. With this å flag to any American cruiser escaping claim Mr. Adams mixes up the old grievance from Boston or New York, English com- of our hasty recognition of the South as a merce will quite as soon be swept from the belligerent Power. "If we had not recogsea in a war with Prussia as Prussian com- nized the South as a belligerent, it could not This is fatal to English interests

. have had a flag to sail its ships under, and Therefore while maintaining, as we do, that the Alabama and her sister vessels would we have done nothing and omitted nothing never have been sent to sea. It is a good which cannot be far more than justified by thing that the question of the propriety of American precedents, is not the present our recognition of the South so soon should condition of mind of the United States a have been once more raised, because the great opportunity for improving the future discussion of the point has now been so exprecedents on this subject ? Why should hausted that we may hope to hear very not English statesmen, while expressly re- little of it again. Mr. SEWARD urged pudiating all obligation to give compensation that it was an unfriendly thing to recognize for the Alabıma on the principles of exist- and encourage, so quickly and decisively, ing international law, avow their wish to those who were rebelling against a friendly establish a new English precedent for the Power. It looked as if we were glad of the future, if they can obtain the concurrence calamities of the United States, and anxious of the United States, and even give their to make the most and the worst of them. consent to some indemnification as the price So speedy and instantaneous a recognition of a treaty by which the two Governments of rebels as belligerents was without any should engage, with the consent of the Leg. precedent to justify it, and this in itself islatures of both countries, to accept such ought to have made England pause.

Lord responsibility in future wherever reasonable Russell replied that the rebellion itself evidence of any departmental or ministerial was unprecedented, and that never before negligence could be produced ? It is quite in history had rebels to the number of five true that the United States have hitherto millions been able on the moment to form refused to apologize for much greater sins a civil government, establish a large army, than those of which we have been guilty. and exercise undisputed sway over thouBut that is just the reason why it is wise to i sands of miles of territory. On other occa



sions foreign nations had waited to see there was no delay, and an English ship whether the rebellion would become large, was seized for breach of blockade on the but here the rebellion was large from its very day when the Queen's Proclamation outset. This is a very fair argument, and the was issued. When the PRESIDENT, by the Americans might perhaps be brought to proclaiming a blockade, established a state think so, although they are at present pro- of war, and exercised belligerent rights foundly convinced that we are much to against English ships, it is very hypercritical blame because we did not see from the outset to say that the English Government were that the North must win.

not very definitely informed of this by their But, very fortunately, the main argn- own diplomatic agents, and had to act to ment by which conduct may be the best of their judgment. The facts of justified is one as to which there is much the case, not the wording of Lord Lyons's less room for contention. From the mo- letters, determined whether they .acted ment that the North instituted a blockade, rightly or not. It might with much greater and announced its intention to capture for reason be said that the United States Gove eign vessels that broke, or threatened to ernment acted with precipitate harshness break, the blockade, we had no choice. towards us when it seized our ships as prizes The North assumed towards us the position before the fact of the blockade could have which a belligerent holds towards neutrals; been brought to the knowledge of the Eng. and thenceforth we could not say we were lish Government, and the Queen's Proclanot neutrals because neither the Federals mation of neutrality have been made known nor the Confederates were belligerents. It to English shipowners. It must be rememwas not a question of courtesy, nor a mere bered that the form which the recognition theoretical way of regarding men and of the South as a belligerent Power assumed things. British ships were captured be- was a warning to British subjects not to cause there was a state of war, and this was overstep the position of neutrals, and it is a fact which very much affected us, and of hard to say that the warning was issued too wbich we could not possibly avoid taking soon. notice. Lord RUSSELL had the satisfaction This discussion of the premature recogniof bringing to the notice of Mr. Adams an tion of the South is, however, only ancillary elaborate judgment of the Supreme Court to the main arguments on which Mr. ADAMS of the United States, in which it was held relies in asking compensation for the injuries that the Confederates had been belligerents done by the Alabama and her sister vessels from the outset, and that therefore Prize The general result of the facts stated apCourts had jurisdiction over vessels seized pears to be that, on the whole, the British under the laws of war. Mr. Adams had Government was vigilant, and successfully nothing really to say in opposition to the vigilant; that it exerted itself strenuously, arguments which convinced an American that public opinion aided it, and that very court of justice; and the only adverse observa- few Confederate ships got to sea which any tion he can think of is to suggest that we amount of watchfulness could have preventwere too hasty, even on our own showing, ed from getting to sea. But in the particuin treating the establishment of a blockade lar case of the Alabama there were not as involving the recognition of the belliger- those early, prompt, and effectual measures ant rights of the Confederates. The facts taken which were taken in later cases. In appear to be these. Toe PRESIDENT, on the case of the Alabama, the Government the 19th of April, 1861, proclaimed the waited for legal proof; in the case of the steamblockade of seven States; and Lord Lyons rams, the Government seized without legal wrote a despatch, not giving the actual proof, and merely on suspicion. That is, in words of the Proclamation, but saying that the first case that arose the Government the Government intended to establish a acted legally, and in the latter cases illegally. blockade. If Lord Lyons had actually That the conduct of the Government in the sent a copy of the Proclamation of the case of the Alabama was very irritating to PRESIDENT, then the recognition of the Mr. Adams, may easily be imagined. A South, which was announced in Parliament month before he could get the British Minison the 6th of May, would have been quite try to take any steps whatever, he had inproper;. but Lord Lyons only said that it telligence of the construction and destinawas intended to establish a blockade, and tion of the Alabama, and immediately inMr. Adams thinks it was very unfriendly formed Lord Russell. The authorities at in the English Cabinet not to wait to see Liverpool were immediately asked to report, whether these intentions were carried into but, as Mr. Adams very plainly says, they effect. On the other side of the Atlantic were bribed, and consequently reported

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