energies of its officers. Is the preventative against all these and worse calamities now to be abandoned, and these and worse ones to be invoked to afflict us?

.

Should the northern, the middle or the southern states, should Virginia, or could Massachusetts, any of her towns or citizens, dictate measures to Congress, and by opposition or a convulsed state of things force their adoption: then, indeed, would one state have obtained a disastrous triumph over the United States! Then we should have conquered the Union, then should we have prostrated its government, and have trampled under our feet the last reserve of national power. Could the opposition prevail, a part coerce the whole, our rights and our strength would be scattered to the winds. As a nation we should perish, as freemen be lost. Our palladium, our ark, our national bulwarks, would be shattered and broken to atoms. Then might their fragments float by the licenses of our enemies. Then might we single handed meet the crisis, and buffeting the destruction threatened from the deep, conflict with the clouds above, which, in angry collision, are ready to break on our heads. But this can never be. Society is yet strong Americans, virtuous and enlightened, Americans, steady and determined, will continue their confidence in their efforts. They will rally round the national constitution, cling to their government, and should it be driven to the edge of a precipice, keep their hold in the extremity of its exit, and sink with it into the awful abyss.

The importance and the interesting and perilous nature of the crisis, has compelled me, thus long, to dwell upon it, and to hope from the wisdom of our legislature, some reconciling expedient to quiet the agitated minds of our citizens.

Is it the idea that there are no dangers; that it can be said, Thus far shall the incitement come and no farther, and here shall its effects be stayed? Let us not be deceived. This is the prerogative of God

alone. Are we ripe, are we prepared to proclaim to a suffering and an enslaved world, that unhappy man has made his last disposing effort for the support of a free government-that the most promising experiment has so soon failed-that liberty, the legitimate offspring of law, the favourite child of government, has been expelled its hoped for resting place, driven from its last retreat, and banished the world? Can we not wait with magnanimous patience, and endure privations a few months longer, and give to government one fair, unimpeded experiment of their measures on foreign nations? Will not the evils and the objections from existing measures lie as strong against non-intercourse, war, or any other arrangement for national defence? Are we ready to surrender all, to export our government with our produce, and to import foreign despotism with foreign goods? The farmer's merchandize and his ships are in the country. Mine are there, and I should rather sink them than government should be sunk. Without government they are not mine; nor family nor personal protection, nor the opportunity of fu ture acquisitions or future happiness.

At all times it is pleasing to contemplate the patriotism, order and discipline of our militia, to which the constitution looks with confidence for the defence of our country. The last autumnal reviews have been spoken of with pride by gentlemen of military skill. An establishment so safe, so economical, so preferable to a standing army, in time of peace, can never want the patronage of a provident legislature. So long as this system shall be deemed susceptible of improvement, it will be the favourite object for the labours of the representatives of a free people. I am not sufficiently conversant with the principles or details of military arrangements to decide on their defects or to point out their remedies, To legislators of military science and experience this subject peculiarly addresses itself. They will know whether there is the greatest aptitude and

efficiency in all its parts, and whether it is capable of moving and being moved, in harmony, without mortifying delays or dangerous collisions.

An evil of magnitude is spreading its calamitous effects over every portion of our Commonwealth. The accumulation of depreciated and counterteited bank bills, with all their fraudulent and demoralizing action on society and the habits of individuals, are not, perhaps, less to be deprecated than a temporary suspension of a foreign market, for the produce of our farms. The impositions practised, the inability to lose what had been honestly taken, the temptation to pass, with the frequency of doing it, and the impunity with which it may be done, are fast breaking down the moral sense, and eradicating from the minds of citizens that sublime reverence for justice, those lively repulsive principles to fraud, which are the ends, the fruits and perfection of moral cultivation. The spurious and the genuine are. indiscriminately passed, under the false apology that they were honestly received, and that the bad are not certainly known to be such. Indeed, a knowledge of the characteristicks of the various bills, of all the banks, in this and the neighbouring States, circulating among us, is a science too nice, extensive and complicated for the great body of our citi-.: zens to learn. Will it not be an object worthy the attention of the legislature, to protect their constituents against so serious a depredation on their property and morals? Would not the confining banks to a compliance with the express or implied principles of their respective institutions, and obliging them all to issue bills of the same figure and device, with the exclusion from circulation of all foreign bills, which should not be issued in conformity to such a system, cure very many of the evils? To the experience and providence of the legislature our citizens look for a remedy.

No crisis should arrest the progress of the arts and sciences, or stay the fostering hand of improvement.

Our most considerable societies, for these purposes, were, to the honour of their founders and our country, established during our struggles for national existence. Are not the' meritorious examples of encouragement given to manufactures, in the other states, worthy the imitation of this, especially of an adjoining one, which, under the liberal auspices of a publick spirited citizen, is becoming famous for the manufacturing of woolen cloth, from a superiour and an improved breed of imported sheep? Would it not be useful to countenance mechanical improvements and fabrications, by exemptions from taxes and by extending the principles of our laws, respecting the overflowing of lands by grist and saw mills, to cotton factories and other labour saving machines, depending on water courses for their movements ? Would not the proceeds of the sale of a few eastern townships, vested in a society, as a perpetual fund, for the promotion of manufactures, charged with the appropriation of its interest, in premiums and other encouragement to ingenious manufacturers, be seed sowed in good ground, which would produce, to the present and succeeding generations, an harvest of an hundred fold?

Facilities to husbandry, commerce and manufactures are good roads. Most of our great ones are now in such convenient and unalterable directions, as will probably command an increasing travel for centuries yet to come. Would not a law protecting and encouraging to individuals to border them with trees give ornament to the country, comfort and refreshment to the traveller, fuel to the planters, and gratification to all?

To cherish the interest of literature, the sciences and their seminaries, especially the University at Cambridge, publick schools, private societies and publick institutions, rewards and immunities for the promotion of agriculture, arts, sciences and manufactures, cannot be less a compliance with the inclinations of a Legislature of Massachusetts than with

that duty which is, at all periods, made binding on it by the constitution under which it acts.

The particular state of our militia, ordnance, military stores and supplies will appear from the detailed report and returns of the adjutant and quarter master generals, which shall be communicated by special message so soon as they shall be prepared.

Gentlemen of the Senate, and

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,

For your patience and indulgence accept of my sincere acknowldgements; and may that wisdom which is from above, which is profitable to direct, gentle and easy to be entreated, lead in our councils and govern our conduct through the session.

LEVI LINCOLN,

ANSWER OF THE SENATE.

May it please your Honour,

WHILE the Senate lament the solemn dispensation of Divine Providence which has deprived the commonwealth of its chief magistrate, they earnestly beseech the Father of Lights to endue you with wisdom to discern, and fidelity to pursue, the path of duty, in the discharge of the high and responsible trust, which in consequence of this event the constitution has devolved upon you. Assisted in council by men distinguished for their talents, experience and integrity, we trust, that while they will share with you the responsibility, their advice will have a proper influence in the direction of the measures of the executive department.