124

(October 1, 1858, Notes for a Speech-Complete Works, Vol. I, p. 427.)

To give the victory to the right, no bloody bullets but peaceful ballots, only, are necessary. Thanks to our good old Constitution, and organization under it, these alone are necessary. It only needs that every right thinking man shall go to the polls, and, without fear or prejudice, vote as he thinks.

125

(November 20, 1860, Remarks at the Celebration of his Election, Springfield, Ill.-Complete Works, Vol. I, p. 655.)

In all our rejoicings, let us neither express nor cherish any hard feelings toward any citizen who, by his vote, has differed with us. Let us at all times remember that all American citizens are brothers of a common country, and should dwell together in bonds of fraternal feeling.

126

(November 10, 1864, Response to a Serenade-Van Buren, p. 390.)

It has long been a grave question whether any government, not too strong for the liberties of the people, can be strong enough to maintain its existence in great emergencies. On this point the present rebellion brought our republic to a severe test, and a presidential election, occurring in regular

course during the rebellion, added not a little to the strain.

If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their strength by the rebellion, must they not fail when divided and partially paralyzed by a political war among themselves? But the election was a necessity. We cannot have free government without elections.

127

(June 13, 1836, Announcement of Political Views-Coffin, p. 89.)

I go for all sharing the privilege of the government who assist in bearing its burdens; consequently, I go for admitting all whites to the right of suffrage who pay taxes or bear arms, by no means excluding females.

128

(Interview, Springfield, Ill.-Herndon, p. 625.)

I am opposed to the limitation or lessening of the right of suffrage. If anything I am in favor of its extension or enlargement. I want to lift men up-to broaden rather than contract their privileges.

129

(February 27, 1860, Speech at Cooper Institute, New York-Howells, p. 210.)

To be sure, what the robber demands of me

my money-was my own; and I had a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote is my own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the threat of destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely be distinguished in principle.

130

(October 27, 1863, From Letter to T. Swann-Complete Works, Vol. II, p. 431.)

I am somewhat mortified that there could be any doubt of my views upon the point of your inquiry. I wish all loyal qualified voters in Maryland and elsewhere to have the undisturbed privilege of voting at elections; and neither my authority nor my name can be properly used to the contrary.

131

(July 4, 1864, Letter to the Postmaster at Philadelphia, Pa.-Tarbell, Vol. II, p. 204.)

My wish is that you will do just as you think fit with your own suffrage, in the case, and not constrain any of your subordinates to other than he thinks fit with his.

132

(March 17, 1860, Letter to E. Stafford-Complete Works, Vol. I, p. 632.)

Dear Sir: Reaching home on the 14th instant, I found yours of the Ist. Thanking you very sin

cerely for your kind purpose toward me, I am compelled to say the money part of the arrangement you propose is with me an impossibility. I could not raise ten thousand dollars if it would save me from the fate of John Brown. Nor have my friends, so far as I know, yet reached the point of staking any money on my chances of success. I wish I could tell you better things, but it is even Yours very truly,

So.

133

A. LINCOLN.

(March 16, 1860, Letter to friend in Kansas-Herndon, p. 458.)

As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the ring on the money basis— first, because in the main it is wrong; and secondly, I have not and cannot get the money. I say in the main the use of money is wrong; but for certain objects in a political contest the use of some is both right and indispensable.

With me, as with yourself, this long struggle has been one of great pecuniary loss. I now distinctly say this: If you shall be appointed a delegate to Chicago I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of the trip.

134

(October 22, 1864, Letter to Wm. B. Campbell-Barrett, p. 658.)

I presume that the conducting of a presidential

election in Tennessee in strict accordance with the old code of the State, is not now a possibility.

It is scarcely necessary to add that if any election shall be held and any vote cast in the State of Tennessee for President and Vice-President of the United States, it will belong, not to the military agents, nor yet to the executive department, but exclusively to another department of the government, to determine whether they are entitled to be counted in conformity with the Constitution and laws of the United States. Except it be to give protection against violence, I decline to interfere in any way with any presidential election.