people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.

41

(August 26, 1863, Letter to James C. Conkling-Herndon, p. 552.)

I freely acknowledge myself the servant of the people, according to the bond of service - the United States Constitution-and that, as such, I am responsible to them.

42

(June 17, 1858, Speech at Springfield, Ill.-Debates, p. 1.)

"A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved-I do not expect the house to fall -but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or the other.

43

(December 10, 1856, Speech at Chicago, Ill.-Complete Works, Vol. I, p. 225.)

Our government rests in public opinion. Whoever can change public opinion can change the government, practically, just so much. Public opinion, on any subject, always has a "central idea" from which all its minor thoughts radiate. That "central

idea" in our political public opinion at the beginning has been, and until recently has continued to be, the equality of men.

44

(March 5, 1860, Speech at Hartford, Conn.-Complete Works, Vol. I, p. 613.)

Public opinion settles every question here. Any policy to be permanent must have public opinion at the bottom-something in accordance with the philosophy of the human mind as it is. The property basis will have its weight. The love of property and a consciousness of right and wrong have conflicting places in our organization, which often make a man's course seem crooked, his conduct a riddle.

45

(February 9, 1865, Reply to Committee of Congress reporting result of Electoral Count-Coffin, p. 487.)

With deep gratitude to my countrymen for this mark of their confidence; with distrust of my own ability to perform the duty required under the most favorable circumstances, and now rendered doubly difficult by exciting national perils; yet with a firm reliance on the strength of our free government and the eventual loyalty of the people to the just principles upon which it is founded, and above all with an unshaken faith in the Supreme Ruler of nations, I accept the trust.

46

(December 6, 1864, Annual Message-Raymond, p. 633.)

In a great national crisis like ours, unanimity of action among those seeking a common end is very desirable-almost indispensable; and yet no approach to such unanimity is attainable unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority, simply because it is the will of the majority.

47

(March 4, 1861, First Inaugural-Raymond, p. 167.)

A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily, with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. The rule of a minority as a permanent arrangement is wholly inadmissible; so that rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.

* * *

48

(February 14, 1861, Speech at Steubenville, Ohio-Complete Works, Vol. I, p. 677.)

If the majority should not rule, who would be the judge? Where is such a judge to be found? We should all be bound by the majority of the American people; if not, then the minority must control. Would that be right? Would it be just or gener

ous? Assuredly not. I reiterate that the majority should rule. If I adopt a wrong policy, the opportunity for condemnation will occur in four years' time. Then I can be turned out, and a better man with better views put in my place.

49

(September 30, 1859, Speech at Milwaukee, Wis.-Complete Works, Vol. I, p. 577.)

Farmers being the most numerous class, it follows that their interest is the largest interest. It also follows that that interest is most worthy of all to be cherished and cultivated-that if there be inevitable conflict between that interest and any other, that other should yield.

50

(May 17, 1859, Letter to Dr. Theodore Canisius concerning law of naturalization, etc.-Howells, p. 85.)

As I understand the spirit of our institutions, it is designed to promote the elevation of men. I am therefore hostile to anything that tends to their debasement. It is well known that I deplore the oppressed condition of the blacks, and it would, therefore, be very inconsistent for me to look with approval upon any measure that infringes upon the inalienable rights of white men whether or not they are born in another land or speak a different language from our own. In respect to a fusion, I am in favor of it whenever it can be effected on Re

publican principles; but upon no other condition. A fusion upon any other platform would be as insane as unprincipled. It would thereby lose the whole North while the common enemy would still have the support of the South. The question in relation to men is different. There are good and patriotic men and able statesmen in the South whom I would willingly support if they would place themselves on Republican ground; but I shall oppose the lowering of the Republican standard even by a hair's breadth.

51

(July 10, 1858, Speech at Chicago, Ill.-Debates, p. 19.)

I have said many times * * * that no man believed more than I in the principle of self-government; that it lies at the bottom of all my ideas of just government from beginning to end. * I deny that any man has ever gone ahead of me in his devotion to the principle, whatever he may have done in efficiency in advocating it.

52

* *

(October 16, 1854, Speech at Peoria, Ill.-Howells, p. 279.)

Well I doubt not that the people of Nebraska are and will continue to be as good as the average of people elsewhere. I do not say the contrary. What I do say is that no man is good enough to govern