the colonies in the eyes of the civilized world in withdrawing their connection with the mother country."

Why, that object having been effected some eighty years ago, the Declaration is of no practical use now-mere rubbish-old wadding left to rot on the battle-field after the victory is won.

9

(July 10, 1858, Speech at Chicago, Ill.-Debates, p. 23.)

Those arguments that are made, that the inferior race are to be treated with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying, that as much is to be done for them as their condition will allow,-what are these arguments? They are the arguments that kings have made for enslaving the people in all ages of the world. You will find that all the arguments in favor of king-craft were of this class; they always bestrode the necks of the people, not that they wanted to do it, but because the people were better off for being ridden. That is their argument. * * * Turn in whatever way you will-whether it come from the mouth of a king as an excuse for enslaving the people of his country, or from the mouth of men of one race as a reason for enslaving the men of another race, it is all the same old serpent; and I hold if that course of argumentation that is made for the purpose of convincing the pub

་

lic mind that we should not care about this, should be granted, it does not stop with the negro. I should like to know, if, taking this old Declaration of Independence, which declares that all men are equal upon principle and making exceptions to it, where will it stop? If one man says it does not mean a negro, why not another say it does not mean some other man? If that Declaration is not the truth, let us get the statute book in which we find it, and tear it out! Who is so bold as to do it! If it is not true let us tear it out. (Cries of No, No.) Let us stick to it then, let us stand firmly by it, then! * * * Let us discard all this quibbling about this man or the other man, this race and that race, and the other race being inferior and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position-discarding our standard that we have left us! Let us discard all these things and unite as one people throughout this land until we shall once more stand up declaring that all men are created equal. I leave you hoping that the lamp of liberty will burn in your bosoms until there shall no longer be a doubt that all men are created equal.

10

* * *

(July 17, 1858, Speech at Springfield, Ill.-Debates, p. 63.)

I have said that I do not understand the Declaration to mean that all men were created equal in all

respects. They are not our equal in color; but I suppose that it does mean to declare that all men are equal in their right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Certainly the negro is not our equal in color-perhaps not in many other respects— still in the right to put into his mouth the bread that his own hands have earned, he is the equal of every other man, white or black. In pointing out that more has been given you, you cannot be justified in taking away the little which has been given him. All I ask for the negro is that if you do not like him, let him alone. If God gave him but little, that little let him enjoy.

"

(July 4, 1861, Message.-Pen and Voice, Van Buren, p. 91; Speaking of the Confederate Constitution.)

Our adversaries have adopted some declaration of independence, in which, unlike the good old one penned by Jefferson, they omit the words "All men are created equal." Why? They have adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one signed by Washington, they omit "We the people" and substitute "We the deputies of the sovereign and independent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people? This is essentially a people's contest. On

the side of the Union, it is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men; to lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of laudable pursuits to all; to afford all an unfettered start and a fair chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, from necessity, this is the leading object of the government for whose existence we contend and I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and appreciate this.

12

(July 10, 1858, Speech at Chicago, Ill.-Debates, p. 23.)

It is said in one of the admonitions of our Lord, "As your Father in Heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect." The Saviour, I suppose, did not expect that any human creature could be perfect as the Father in Heaven; but he said, "As your Father in Heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect." He set that up as a standard, and he who did most toward reaching that standard, attained the highest degree of moral perfection. So I say in relation to the principle that all men are created equal, let it be as nearly reached as we can. If we cannot give freedom to every creature, let us do nothing that will impose slavery upon any other creature. Let us, then, turn this government back into the channel

in which the framers of the constitution originally placed it.

13

(August 24, 1858, Letter to Mr. Speed-Hanaford, p. 226.)

Our progress in degeneracy appears to me to be pretty rapid. As a nation, we began by declaring that "All men are created equal." We now, practically, read it, "All men are created equal except negroes." When the know-nothings get control it will read: "All men are created equal except negroes, and foreigners and Catholics." When it comes to this I should prefer emigrating to some country where they make no pretense of loving liberty, to Russia, for instance, where despotism can be taken pure and without the base alloy of hypocrisy.

14

(June 26, 1857, Speech at Springfield, Ill.-Raymond, p. 48.)

In those days our Declaration of Independence was held sacred by all, and thought to include all; but now to aid in making the bondage of the negro universal and eternal it is assailed and sneered at and construed and hawked at and torn, till, if its framers could rise from their graves, they could not at all recognize it.