Abraham Lincoln, Volume 2Houghton Mifflin, 1893 |
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Page 25
... possible event ? You prefer that the constitutional relation of the States to the nation shall be practically restored without disturbance of the institution ; and if this were done , my whole duty in this respect under the Constitution ...
... possible event ? You prefer that the constitutional relation of the States to the nation shall be practically restored without disturbance of the institution ; and if this were done , my whole duty in this respect under the Constitution ...
Page 29
... possible a sincere and cordial reunion , may be only moderately surprising ; but it is most sur- prising to note the depth and earnestness of his faith that this condition could really be reached , and that it could be reached by the ...
... possible a sincere and cordial reunion , may be only moderately surprising ; but it is most sur- prising to note the depth and earnestness of his faith that this condition could really be reached , and that it could be reached by the ...
Page 33
... possible return towards Washington a slow , difficult process , which he obviously had no mind to undertake , still this security of the capital rested as weightily as ever upon Lincoln's mind . His reiteration and insistence concerning ...
... possible return towards Washington a slow , difficult process , which he obviously had no mind to undertake , still this security of the capital rested as weightily as ever upon Lincoln's mind . His reiteration and insistence concerning ...
Page 38
... in warfare , that he now failed to give due weight to the considera- tion that the design of the Confederates in inter- posing an obstacle at this point was solely to delay him as much as possible , whereas much of the 38 ABRAHAM LINCOLN .
... in warfare , that he now failed to give due weight to the considera- tion that the design of the Confederates in inter- posing an obstacle at this point was solely to delay him as much as possible , whereas much of the 38 ABRAHAM LINCOLN .
Page 39
John Torrey Morse (Jr.) him as much as possible , whereas much of the merit of his own plan of campaign lay in rapid execution at the outset . The result was , of course , that he did not break any line , nor try to , but in- stead ...
John Torrey Morse (Jr.) him as much as possible , whereas much of the merit of his own plan of campaign lay in rapid execution at the outset . The result was , of course , that he did not break any line , nor try to , but in- stead ...
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Common terms and phrases
abolition Abolitionists administration afterward amid Andrew Johnson anti-slavery April battle better Cabinet campaign cause Chase coln command compensated emancipation Comte de Paris Confederacy Confederate Congress Constitution Copperheads declared Democrats dent election emancipation enemy fact Federal feeling fight force Fredericksburg Fremont friends Governor Grant Greeley Halleck Harper's Ferry Hooker hostility House issue Jackson James River Jefferson Davis judgment July Lee's army less Lincoln loyal March matter McClellan McDowell McDowell's Meade measure ment military move negroes never North Northern once opinion party passed peace persons political position Potomac President President's proclamation purpose question rebel rebellion reconstruction Republican Richmond River save the Union scheme Secretary seemed Senate sent Seward Shenandoah Valley Sherman slavery slaves soldiers soon South Southern success Thaddeus Stevens tion took troops Union army United Vallandigham victory Virginia votes war Democrats Washington York Tribune
Popular passages
Page 129 - We — even we here — hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free — honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just — a way which, if followed, the world will forever applaud, and God must forever bless.
Page 192 - Must I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts, while I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to desert?
Page 107 - If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not now and here argue against them. If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right. As to the policy I " seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not meant to leave any ono in doubt.
Page 231 - I barely suggest for your private consideration, whether some of the colored people may not be let in — as, for instance, the very intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our ranks.
Page 107 - My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.
Page 259 - And every one that was in distress, and every one that was in debt, and every one that was discontented, gathered themselves unto him; and he became a captain over them: and there were with him about four hundred men.
Page 205 - You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with the law of war in time of war. The most that can be said — if so much — is that slaves are property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that, by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever taking it helps us or hurts the enemy...
Page 293 - I am thankful to God for this approval of the people; but, while deeply grateful for this mark of their confidence in me, if I know my heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal triumph. I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to me. It is no pleasure to me to triumph over any one, but I give thanks to the Almighty for this evidence of the people's resolution to stand by free government and the rights of humanity.
Page 101 - I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling.
Page 144 - In one word, I would not take any risk of being entangled upon the river, like an ox jumped half over a fence and liable to be torn by dogs front and rear without a fair chance to gore one way or kick the other.