to sail under the command of Sir Edward Hawke. But when the question arose as to Hawke's instructions, a great difference appeared amongst the Members of the Regency. The Duke of Cumberland, always inclined to vigorous measures, wished to declare war at once, and to strike the first blow. Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, though a man of undaunted courage, took a view, says Lord Waldegrave, agreeable to the usual practice of his Court, and was against bringing the cause to an immediate decision.* The Duke of Newcastle, trimming and trembling, as was ever his wont, thought only of keeping off the storm as long as possible, and of shifting its responsibility from himself. Thus he gave his opinion that Hawke should for the present have no instructions at all, and merely take a turn in the Channel to exercise the fleet. Another time he said, that the Admiral might be ordered "not to attack the enemy, unless he thought it "worth while."- "Be assured," says Fox, "that Hawke "is too wise a man to do anything at all, which others, "when done, are to pronounce he ought to be hanged for."† At length, as a kind of compromise, it was agreed that there should be no declaration of war, — that our fleet should attack the French ships of the line, if it fell in with any, but by no means disturb any smaller men of war, or any vessels engaged in trade. When at the Board of Regency these instructions came round to the bottom of the table to be signed by Fox, he turned to Lord Anson, the First Lord of the Admiralty, to whom he sat next, and asked if there were no objections to them? 66 66 Yes," answered Anson, a hundred; but it pleases those at the upper end of the table, and will signify nothing, for the French will declare war next "week, if they have not done it already." But only a few days later counter-instructions were sent in all haste to Hawke, directing him to seize and destroy every thing French, trade or men of war, between Cape Ortegal and Cape Clear. These last orders produced a large number of lucrative captures; but as they were still unaccom* Memoirs, p. 47.

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† See Dodington's Diary, July 21. 1755.

This was related to Dodington by Fox himself. Diary, August 18. 1755.

1755.

TREATIES OF SUBSIDY.

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panied with any notice or declaration of war they gave some handle to the French Government for inveighing against the perfidy and Punic faith of our's, and calling us robbers and pirates. Nay, so eager were the Court of Versailles to avail themselves of this outcry against us, and to push it as far as possible, that their fleet having in the month of August captured one English man-of-war, the Blandford, orders were immediately despatched to release both the ship and the crew.*

While the prospects of peace grew darker and darker, there was also gathering a cloud of popular distrust and resentment against the Minister. It was often asked whether these were times when all power could be safely monopolised by the Duke of Newcastle? Was every thing to be risked-perhaps every thing lost-for the sake of one hoary jobber at the Treasury? Was he never to choose his colleagues for knowledge or capacity, but only for subservience? - Questions such as these in the public made Newcastle himself consider some effort for gaining strength in the House of Commons as desirable; and what made it almost inevitable was the news of negotiations at Hanover.

On the approach or apprehension of war the King had, as usual, thought first of his Electorate. Next to the French, his nephew of Prussia was the potentate whom he chiefly dreaded. Hanover might prove as tempting a conquest to Frederick in this war as Silesia in the last; and he would be just as little restrained by honour or good faith from seizing it. For its defence George the Second relied on his Subsidiary Treaties. Those with Saxony and with Bavaria were expired or expiring, and there seemed no readiness on their part to renew them without greatly enhancing the terms. Here then had been the whole result, - an annual payment to these states of English money during several years of peace, when they neither were nor could be of the slightest service. No wonder then if the very name of Subsidiary Treaties had become a scoff and by-word to the people. Nevertheless the King, being fully assured of Newcastle's passive obedience to whatever he might desire, now signed

* Smollett's Hist., book iii. ch. iv. sect. 28. VOL. IV.

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another such compact with the Elector of Hesse. It provided an annual payment of 150,000 crowns from England with 80 crowns for every horseman, and 30 crowns for every foot soldier, as levy money, should the troops be actually required. Another treaty of the same kind, but much larger scale, was negotiating with the Empress of Russia, but not finally concluded until after His Majesty's return. The mere rumour of such engagements raised no small ferment even amongst the holders of office. "I am surprised," said Fox to Dodington, "that you are not against all subsidies." With more vehemence Pitt inveighed against the King's ill-timed journey to Hanover, which all persons," he added, "should have pre"vented even with their bodies!—A King abroad at this "time without one man about him that has one English "sentiment, and to bring home a whole nest of sub"sidies!"†

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Still more effectual was the disapprobation of Legge. For some time past he had smarted under the mean domination of Newcastle, and the popular reports of his own subservience. From both he determined to free himself by one bold stroke. At the Council of Regency the Duke of Newcastle had merely produced the Hessian Treaty as concluded, and announced the King's commands, - upon which the Chancellor bowed, and "their Lordships signed the paper without reading it, as a thing of "course." But when the Treasury Warrants requisite to carry that Treaty into execution were laid before Legge, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, he peremptorily refused to sign them.

This refusal from one hitherto found so unresisting came like a thunderbolt on Newcastle. Sorely perplexed, he had now recourse to Pitt. Having first endeavoured to soften and prepare the rising statesman through the Chancellor, he requested a personal meeting. When Pitt accordingly came the Duke received him most warmly, pressing him to his heart with his usual profusion of

* Dodington's Diary, August 18. 1755. "Fox had dropped "intimations of his dislike to the treaties." (Lord Orford's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 400.)

† Dodington's Diary, Sept. 3. 1755.

1755.

NEWCASTLE AND PITT.

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fulsome embraces, empty compliments, and hysterical tears. He entreated his support in Parliament of the Hessian and Russian Subsidies. He offered him a seat in the Cabinet, he promised a most gracious reception by the King at Court,―he hinted a prospect of the Seals whenever a vacancy should happen. Pitt at once declined to take his seat in the Cabinet, or to give his support to the treaties. With manly firmness he stood up for the dignity and independence of the House of Commons, and condemned the Duke's attempts to lead it by deputy. "Your Grace's system," said he, "of carrying on the "business of the House, I believe, will not do, and while "I have life and breath to utter I will oppose it. There "must be men of efficiency and authority in the House, a Secretary and a Chancellor of the Exchequer at least, "who should have access to the Crown, habitual, frequent, "familiar access, I mean, that they may tell their own story, to do themselves and their friends justice, and "not be the victims of a whisper. . . . For my part, if "the Ministry ask nothing of me I ask nothing of them. . . . As to foreign matters there is no doubt of my concurrence to carry on the war, as it is a national war; and I think that regard ought to be had to Hanover, if it should be attacked on our account. . . . We "should never lay down our arms without procuring "satisfaction for any damage they may receive on our "account. But we could not find money to defend it by subsidies, and if we could that is not the way to defend "it."-The Duke still pleaded for the treaties, and muttered that the King's honour was engaged to Hesse. -Pitt replied with professions of the highest loyalty and attachment to His Majesty. If it were a particular compliment to the King, and if security were given against its being drawn into a precedent, he and his friends might perhaps be brought to sanction this single treaty.— "Well, and the Russian Subsidy," said Newcastle."No, no," rejoined Pitt hastily, - "not a system of sub"sidies.". -Thus the conference broke up without result.*

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*The details of this remarkable conference are to be gathered partly from Lord Orford's Memoirs, (vol. i. p. 399.), and partly from Dodington's Diary (September 3. 1755), on the relation of Pitt himself. In the entry of the previous day are several expressions and

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There seems little doubt - considering the pressure upon Newcastle at this period-that had Pitt shown any readiness to support the treaties he might at once have obtained the Seals of Secretary. But though he desired high office, he desired it only for high and generous ends. He did not seek it for patronage like Newcastle, or for lucre like Fox. Glory was the bright star that ever shone before his eyes, and ever guided him onwards;-his country's glory and his own. My Lord," he once exclaimed to the Duke of Devonshire, "I am sure that I can save "this country, and that nobody else can!"* His rival was found more pliant. The King having returned from Hanover, a few days afterwards, towards the middle of September, His Majesty's consent was obtained to a new negotiation with Fox. It was agreed that Fox should receive the Seals of Secretary with efficient powers, and the lead in the House of Commons. On the other hand, he undertook to smother his own disapprobation of the treaties, and support them to the utmost of his energies in Parliament. Sir Thomas Robinson received a pension of 2,000l. a year on the Irish establishment, and reverted to his former office,—“ Master "of the Great Wardrobe," an office to which (as in justice to him I am bound to acknowledge) his abilities. were found fully equal.†

Although this arrangement was completed several weeks before the meeting of Parliament, its execution was postponed until two days after, that Fox might retain his seat and be able to speak for the Address. It promised some further increase of numbers to the Ministerial ranks,

arguments of Pitt to Hardwicke, which he appears to have repeated in his subsequent interview with Newcastle.

* Lord Orford's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 271. See also an article in the North American Review for October 1842, p. 388. It is gratifying thus to find the literature of the New country afford valuable contributions to the history of the Old. (1844.) This note was written without any suspicion of the authorship; but the article in question is now commonly ascribed to Charles Francis Adams, Esq., the accomplished editor of his grandfather, John Adams's, Works. (1853.)

The reader will, perhaps, be reminded of Monsieur Coquenet, and his application for an office, in Scribe's clever comedy La Calomnie : "Cela ne rapporte que quinze mille francs; mais en revanche on "n'a rien à faire-place honorable qui irait à mes goûts et à mes novens." (Act 1. scene 6.)

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