1760.

CAPITULATION OF MONTREAL.

193

and he raised the siege in the utmost haste and confusion; leaving behind him all his artillery, and no small share of his ammunition and baggage.

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The Marquis de Vaudreuil now concentrated his forces within Montreal, and determined to remain on the defensive. In order to revive the spirit of his troops, and especially of the French Canadians, he issued a circular to the officers of Militia, thanking them for their services at Sillery, and announcing great news from Europe. "The truth is, His Majesty is in person in Holland with an army of 200,000 men, and the Prince de Conti in Germany with 100,000. . . . . . The prisoners, who are bringing in every moment, all agree in confirming "this." But no such stratagems could suffice to ward off his own impending ruin. Three armies were now combining against him,-all three by water-carriage,— General Murray's from Quebec, Colonel Haviland's from Crown Point, and General Amherst's from Oswego. Amherst was Commander in Chief, and had by far the largest force,-full 10,000 men,—but he had likewise much the longest and most difficult navigation to achieve. All his measures were marked by calm and steady resolution; he transported his men, with their artillery, ammunition, and baggage, over Lake Ontario, though having none but open boats for the voyage; he then entered the Upper St. Lawrence, reduced on his way the fort of Ile Royale, surmounted the perils of the rapids, with a loss of ninety men drowned, and finally landed the army in the Isle of Montreal. So well was the entire plan framed, and so faithfully executed, that General Murray reached that isle on the same day, and Colonel Haviland on the day ensuing. The Marquis de Vaudreuil, thus surrounded and overmatched, in a town but poorly fortified, saw that all further resistance would be vain, and immediately proposed a capitulation, which, after being modified by Amherst, was signed on the 8th of September. By this treaty the French officers and soldiers were to be sent home, under an engagement not to serve again during the war, while the whole of Canada remained the undisputed and glorious conquest of the

* Circular Letter of the Marquis de Vaudreuil, dated June 3. 1760.

VOL. IV.

British arms. Nothing now remained to the French in North America beyond their newly-founded and thinlypeopled colony at the mouth of the Mississippi. London was rapidly becoming what Madrid had been,—“ the "universal home," according to the lofty phrase of Calderon*,—the centre of a great and growing colonial empire.

This, however, was not our sole success in North America. The French Court, eager for the relief of Montreal, had equipped and sent out a considerable number of store-ships, under the convoy of three frigates; but their officers, finding that the British squadron had entered the St. Lawrence before them, relinquished their enterprise, and took shelter in the Bay of Chaleurs. There they were attacked by Captain Lord Byron, with some ships of war from Louisburg; and the whole expedition (twenty-two sail in all) were utterly destroyed, together with two batteries on shore which had been raised for their protection.

Some other but far less glorious advantages were gained over the Cherokees. This savage tribe had at the beginning seemed to espouse our cause; a fort called Loudoun had been built in their country, at their own desire; and they had sent some parties to our aid in our last expedition against Fort Duquesne. It is supposed that they were either on that occasion offended by English haughtiness, or since gained over by French emissaries. Certain it is that in the autumn of 1759 they commenced hostilities against our back-settlements in their usual cruel manner of ravage, murder, and scalping. Mr. Lyttleton, who was then Governor of South Carolina, marched against them at the head of 1,000 men, and by the terror of his approach compelled them to a treaty of

* 66 Madrid, patria de todos.". - In another place, but in the same strain, Calderon speaks of his King and Queen as suns that shine from earth instead of Heaven!

But this compliment he puts (rather less appropriately) into the mouth of our own Henry the Eighth, conversing with "El Cardenal Bulseo!" (La Cisma de Inglaterra, jornada 1.)

1760.

THE CHEROKEE INDIANS.

195

peace. But no sooner had he returned to Charlestown than the attacks and outrages re-commenced. The affrighted settlers applied to General Amherst, who, in June 1760, sent to their aid a body of 1,200 men under Colonel Montgomery. This officer carried the war into the Cherokee country; but far from setting the savages an example of Christian forbearance, thought himself justified or compelled in retaliating upon them their own barbarities. The Indian villages were first plundered, and then set on fire. It is acknowledged by the English historians "that all the men that were taken suffered "immediate death," and that "some were burned in their "houses." ""* A Roman Catholic writer might find some pleasure in dwelling on the contrast between the Protestants of Carolina and the Jesuits of Paraguay.

When, however, Colonel Montgomery had, according to his instructions, rejoined Amherst's main army, the Cherokees in their turn assembled to blockade Fort Loudoun. After a long siege, the garrison, being straitened for provisions, obtained an honourable capitulation, by which they were to retire unmolested. But they had not marched above fifteen miles on their way, before they were perfidiously attacked and overpowered by a body of Indians; the officers, except Captain Stuart, slain, and the common men carried off as prisoners. There were nearly 200. All of them were afterwards redeemed, some at their own charge, but the greater number by the province of South Carolina. And a fresh detachment from Amherst's army, after the campaign in Canada, soon compelled the Cherokees to sue for peace.

Passing from America to Europe,-from the banks of the Mississippi to the banks of the Elbe,-we shall find the King of Prussia at his winter-quarters of Freyberg actively employed in collecting men and money, and repairing, so far as he could, the losses of his last campaign. The few moments that he could snatch from business

* Compare Smollett's History, book iii. ch. xiii. s. 21., and the Annual Register, 1760, part i. p. 62. After destroying the villages Montgomery fell into an ambuscade of the Indians, where his force suffered severely, Montgomery himself being among the wounded. This check had been in some measure foreseen by Washington See his Writings, vol. ii p. 333. (1853.)

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were, as usual, devoted to literature. It is painful to observe that his favourite consolation in moments of difficulty and danger was (next to writing verses of his own) the perusal of Lucretius,—of those passages, especially, which attempt to prove the annihilation of all things after death.* A purer pleasure was afforded him by his correspondence with his familiar friends. of them, Count Algarotti, he writes as follows:- "It is "certain that we have had nothing but disasters during "the last campaign, and that we were nearly in the same "situation as the Romans after the battle of Cannæ. "One might also apply to our enemies the saying of "Barca to Hannibal:- You know how to vanquish, "but not how to profit by victory.—Unluckily for me, "I had a sharp attack of gout towards the close of the campaign; my left hand and both my legs were dis"abled; I could only be dragged along from place to place, the spectator of my own reverses. Remember, "too, how greatly the proportion of numbers is against us, and how keen must be the struggle against such "odds, and you will not be surprised at our being often "worsted. The Wandering Jew, if there ever was such a person, did not lead a life so wandering as mine. "We become at length like the strolling players, without any fixed abode; we travel to and fro to act our bloody tragedies on whatever theatre our enemies select. "Wretched fools that we are, who have but a moment to "live! we make that moment as painful as we can; we delight in destroying those masterpieces of industry "which even Time has spared; we seem resolved on leaving a hateful memory of our ravages, and of all the "calamities that we have caused." †

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It may be observed, however, that this familiar correspondence was not unattended with risk. This very year a letter from Frederick to the Marquis d'Argens was intercepted by the enemy, and as it contained a desponding view of his situation and prospects it was immediately made public, on purpose to dishearten his friends.‡

* Letter to the Marquis d'Argens, May 12. 1759, — and several others.

† Letter, dated Freyberg, March 10. 1760.

This letter will be found in Entick's History, vol. iv. p. 400.

1760.

PRUSSIAN SYSTEM OF RECRUITING.

197

In considering this Seven Years War,-this memorable struggle of Frederick against so many foes,—it is not sufficient to recount the battles or the sieges, or to pass vague panegyrics on the Prussian hero. His great genius for war may, indeed, sufficiently account for victories achieved or provinces subdued; but another inquiry still remains. By what means was it possible, from his scanty and wasted dominions, from his five against ninety millions of people, to fill once more his empty exchequer, or the thinning ranks of his armies?-By what means could he adequately supply himself with. money and with men ?-- As regards the first, I find that no loan was contracted and no new tax imposed upon his subjects. But the subsidy of 670,000l. from England was annually renewed; the most rigorous assessments were exacted from Mecklenburg and Saxony (Leipsick alone in 1760 being forced to contribute a further sum of 1,100,000 dollars); the Saxon woods were felled, and sold to speculators; the civil offices in Prussia were left unpaid, for the great cause of national defence; and, above all, there was every season a systematic debasement of the coin. —As respects the latter, I shall quote the very words of a Prussian historian: "The King's own "provinces could no longer supply his loss of men from "death or desertion; but he had a system of recruiting "altogether unparalleled in History. Prisoners from "the enemy were compelled to become Prussian soldiers. "No question was asked them whether or not they were "willing to serve, but they were dragged by force to the "Prussian standards, made to take the oath of allegiance, "and marched off to fight against their countrymen. "A host of Prussian recruiting officers in disguise spread over the whole Germanic Empire. Most of these were "not real officers, but hired adventurers, who practised every possible trick on purpose to catch men. Their

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"chief was, however, the Prussian Colonel Colignon, "whom nature seemed to have formed for such employ"ments. He travelled about under various names and disguises, persuading the unwary by hundreds to en"list. Not merely was he liberal of promises, but he gave written patents, appointing any youngster a Lieu"tenant or a Captain in some Prussian regiment.

So