CHAPTER VII

Governor and Vice-President

HE end of the brief but effective Cuban war left Colonel Roose

TH

velt the popular hero of that event. Every war has its popular hero, and the dramatic picturesqueness of the cowboy regiment, with its telling title, the "Rough Riders," was sure to strike the public fancy. The newspaper stories of their spectacled colonel dashing at their head up San Juan Hill, yelling with the loudest and as fearless as the best, added to the completeness of the picture in the public mind, and Roosevelt was lifted upon a pedestal of public appreciation on which he dwarfed every other soldier who took part in the affair, as Dewey similarly figured as the chief naval hero.

That a man of such sudden and great popularity would be allowed to sink back into insignificance was very unlikely to follow. The American people likes to reward its heroes, the canvass for a new governor of New York was in the air, and Theodore Roosevelt was the man of the moment. His services in the war had scarcely ended before the nomination came.

The Citizens' Union was the first to nominate him, but he declined the compliment, saying that he was a Republican. He proposed to stand by his colors. The Democrats, who dreaded him as a popular candidate, hoped to prevent his nomination by trying to prove that he had lost his legal residence in the State. Their plan failed, and the Republican Convention chose him as its candidate by a vote of 752 to 218 for Governor Black. Van Wyck was the Democratic nominee. Their candidate, Parker, had been elected Judge of the Court of Appeals the year before by 61,000 majority and on this the party based its hopes, though feeling that the personal popularity of Colonel Roosevelt was an element in the situation that might override all party lines and claims. It did so, for he carried the election by a majority of 18,000 over Van Wyck.

He took a personal part in his own campaign. It is not the Roosevelt way to be silent and wait while events are in the air. Outspoken advocacy of everything in which he is interested is his way, and he took the stump in his own cause, speaking in many parts of the State. That these speeches were characterized by fire, force and directness we need not say. They had also that common sense and practical application to the situation which are among his characteristics.

As in his legislative career, corrupt politics were handled by him with indignant sarcasm, while the wrongs the people heaped upon themselves by not asserting their right to be well and honestly governed strongly engaged his attention.

The stand he took in the campaign was not the most pleasant one to the professional politicians. They felt that as Governor this man would make the feathers of corrupt methods fly. They had reason for their feeling, for when seated in the Governor's chair it quickly became clear that the reign of jobbery for the time was at an end, so far as it came under executive control.

Hasty in action as he had often shown himself, his impetuous disposition was now held in by a wise caution and deliberation. In selecting the heads of the important State departments he moved with especial care, and when announced the appointments were everywhere greeted as wise and appropriate. Francis Hendricks, put at the head of the Insurance Department, made this department an honor to the State, and the same may be said of the work of Colonel John N. Partridge, appointed Superintendent of Public Works. Roosevelt was not now charging with a yell of martial defiance up San Juan Hill. He was cautiously providing for the best interests of a State.

For a just criticism of what he did in the Governor's chair we quote from Dr. Albert Shaw, the clear-headed editor of the "Review of Reviews." He thus characterized the Roosevelt administration:

"He found the state administration thoroughly political; he left it business-like and efficient. He kept thrice over every promise that he made to the people in his canvass. Mr. Roosevelt so elevated and improved the whole tone of the state administration and so effectually educated his party and public opinion generally, that future governors will find easy what was before almost impossible."

We must deal briefly with the story of his administration. He was hardly seated in the Capitol at Albany when he had a consultation with a body of labor leaders, for whom he had sent. Labor laws were not wanting on the statute books, designed to benefit the laborer; but half of these were dead letters, and some of them had always been valueless.

"These laws are your special concern," said the Governor to his visitors. "I want you to look over them with me and see if they are fair, and, if they are, that they be fairly enforced. We will have no dead-letter laws. If there is anything wrong you know of, I want you to tell me of it. If we need more legislation we will go to the legislature and ask for it. If we have enough, we will see to it that the laws we have are carried out and the most made of them."

And this was done, so far as he was able to do it. There arose a question about the factory law, which it was claimed was not properly enforced. The sweatshops were a disease hard to cure. To satisfy himself as to the actual conditions the Governor came down from Albany and went through a group of the worst type of tenement houses himself. He saw much to disapprove of.

"There is improvement," he said to the factory inspector, "but not enough. I do not think you quite understand what I mean by enforcing a law. I don't want to make it as easy as possible for the manufacturer. Make the owners of tenements understand that old, badly built, uncleanly houses shall not be used for manufacturing in any shape. Put the bad tenement at a disadvantage as against the well-constructed and well-kept house, and make the house owner as well as the manufacturer understand it."

The result of this personal inspection was the Tenement House Improvement Bill, the need of which he made the legislators see, and the effect of which was all on the side of sanitation and fair play. Its effect was to check the doings of the slum landlord.

Democratic orators had predicted that Governor Roosevelt would be "too impetuous." He was impetuous by nature, he acknowledged that, but he thought he had schooled himself in this particular. Yet on the final day of the legislative session of 1899 his impetuous spirit blazed out, though in a way that few found amiss. He declared

positively that the Franchise Act, which efforts had been made to shelve, ought to be passed-and it was passed. The members of the legislature knew that the Governor had voiced public opinion in what he said to them, and they did not venture to defeat the measure.

Another "impetuous" act was the removal from office of Asa B. Gardiner, District Attorney of the County of New York, on the charge that he had given aid and comfort to Chief of Police Devery, after that officer had him indicted for issuing a seditious order to the police force regarding violence at the polls.

Other measures urgently advocated by him were bills to prevent the adulteration of food products and fertilizers, to protect game, and especially to aid the efficient administration of the state canals and the extension of civil service regulations. He further saved the treasury of New York City from heavy legalized looting by his unyielding opposition to the notorious Ramapo job.

As Governor he had to do with many momentous questions, and he dealt with them all from a lofty standpoint of duty. Many times he went opposite to the wishes of his party, but in each case his action was creditable to him. He did not escape misunderstanding and misrepresentation. He had always opposed boss rule, yet he openly consulted Mr. Platt as the leader of the party. Yet with all such consultation he lived up to his own convictions. That man would have had a hardy frame of mind who sought to press any scheme of corrupt politics upon him.

For two years he occupied the Governor's chair. During the first year little was done in the way of reform. The utmost he could do was to see that no bad laws were enacted. During the second year he got a firmer hold and much beneficial legislation was obtained.

His work was not yet done. There were some reforms which he desired earnestly to see accomplished before he left the Governor's chair, reforms which he viewed as essential to the well-being of the state. Therefore, when in 1900 his name was mentioned as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, the suggestion was distasteful to him. His work at Albany was not finished.

An interesting convention was that held by the Republicans at Philadelphia in 1900, for the nomination of candidates for the Presi

dency and Vice-Presidency. In regard to the former there was no doubt William McKinley was the man; no other was thought of. For Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt's name was early set afloat, much to his discomfort. He had proposed to be a candidate again for Governor of New York. There was live work to be done. To sit as the voiceless Chairman of the Senate was very distasteful to a man of his temperament.

There was opposition to him. Senator Hanna was strongly opposed. The man who most wanted to make him Vice-President was Senator Depew, of New York-not from any desire to do him honor, but to get rid of him in state affairs.

The nomination was made somewhat in this way. When President McKinley was nominated and the thunder of the cheering had died away, Governor Roosevelt rose to second the nomination. His speech was a strong one. He had a speech in his hand, type-written, but this he did not once look at, and probably did not follow, speaking the thoughts that rose in his mind and speaking them powerfully and well.

What he had to say evidently hit the mark, for the members of the convention at once hailed him as Vice-President, shouting for McKinley and Roosevelt. At this Senator Depew, seeing his opportunity, drawled out, "In the East we call him Teddy." At this the shouting grew roof-lifting; "Teddy Roosevelt! Teddy Roosevelt!"

Depew was achieving his scheme to "shelve" Roosevelt. When the latter's name was formally presented to the convention calls for a vote rose on every side, and the taking of it quickly began. It ended as it only could end under such circumstances. McKinley and Roosevelt were the men of 1900.

Never had a man been nominated for the Vice-Presidency more against his will. He did not want the office, and he fully understood the purpose of those who were pressing him into it. For a time he strongly resisted persuasions to get him to accept, and when he did yield it was sorely against his will. Neither he nor those who sought to shelve him dreamed for a moment of the coming result, that VicePresident Roosevelt would never preside over a session of the Senate. but before the year ended would fill the President's chair.