GOVERNORS TERRITORIAL. lying westward of the Mississippi River, The population in 1890 was 1,911,896; with a population of nearly 700,000 and a in 1900, 2,231,853. See U. S., Iowa, vol. ix. loyal governor (Samuel J. Kirkwood), was quick to perceive the needs of the national government in its struggle with its enemies, and was lavish in its aid. When the President called for troops (April, 1861) the governor said, "In this emergency Iowa must not and does not occupy Stephen Hempstead. Robert Lucas....... assumes office........ James Clark... Ansel Briggs. 66 GOVERNORS STATE. James W. Grimes... Samuel J. Kirkwood. .assumes office.. July, 1838 1841 1845 1846 .Dec., 1850 1854 66 1858 ..Jan., 1860 1864 1868 1872 66 1876 STATE SEAL OF IOWA. as a doubtful position. For the Union Iredell, JAMES, jurist; born in Lewes, England, Oct. 5, 1750; emigrated to North Carolina in 1767; admitted to the bar in 1775; was elected judge of the Superior Court in 1777; appointed attorney-general in 1779; and judge of the Supreme Court in 1790. He died in Edenton, N. C., Oct. 20, 1799. Iredell, JAMES, lawyer; born in Edenton, N. C., Nov. 2, 1788; son of James Iredell; graduated at Princeton College in 1806; served in the War of 1812; aided in the defence of Craney Island; elected governor of North Carolina in 1827, and In 1900 Iowa ranked as the first cornproducing State in the country, with an output of 305,859,948 bushels, valued at $82,582,186; the first in hay; and the second in oats. The equalized valuation served out an unexpired term in the of all taxable property was $539,673,691; and the total bonded debt was $10,937. During the past five years the bank deposits have more than doubled; nearly 1,500 miles of railroad are under construction, which will make the entire mileage about 5,000. United States Senate in 1828-31. His publications include a Treatise on the Law of Executors and Administrators; and a Digest of all the Reported Cases in the Courts of North Carolina, 1778 to 1845. He died in Edenton, N. C., April 13, 1853. Ireland. The bold stand taken by the a resolution which made the country Americans early in 1775 made the British virtually free. ministry afraid of like movements in Ireland, which had been more oppressed Ireland, where the Protestant minority by British rule than the American colohad hitherto been employed to keep the nies, had, at the beginning of the contest majority, who were Roman Catholics, in between the latter and Great Britain, subjection. That majority, amounting to shown peculiar subserviency to its politseven-eighths of the entire population, ical master. When news of the affairs were not only deprived of all political at Lexington and Bunker Hill reached privileges, but were subjected to a great that country, the Irish Parliament voted many rigorous and cruel restraints, de- that they heard of the rebellion with signed to keep them ignorant, poor, and abhorrence, and were ready to show to helpless. Even the Protestants in Ireland the world their attachment to the sacred were not allowed an equality with their person of the King." Taking advantage fellow-subjects in England. Their Parlia- of this expressed loyalty, Lord North ment did not possess the rights enjoyed obtained leave to send 4,000 able-bodied by the American colonial assemblies; and men to America as a part of the British Ireland, in matters of trade, was treated army. The strongest and best of the Irish very much like a foreign country. The army were selected, and eight regiments idea of political liberty aroused in the were shipped for America. This left Irecolonies was already sowing the seeds of land almost defenceless. Its Parliament revolution in Ireland, and it was judged offered to organize a national militia, expedient to conciliate the Irish by just which Lord North refused to accept, and, legislation that should relax the harsh instead of a militia, organized and concommercial restrictions. This, however, trolled by the British government, selfwas done so sparingly that it fell far formed bands of volunteers sprang up short of accomplishing permanent good. all over Ireland. North saw his blunder, Indeed, it was regarded as a delusive, and had a militia bill enacted. But it temporizing policy, and the attitude of was too late; the Irish Parliament prethe Irish people, encouraged by that of ferred the volunteers, supported by the the Americans, even became more threat- Irish themselves. Meanwhile the eloquent, ening than ever. The Catholic Relief Bill patriotic, and incorruptible Henry Gratof 1778 had made the Irish, for the first tan had become a member of the Irish Partime in their history, one people; "all liament, and he was principally the agent sects, all ranks, all races—the nobleman that kindled the fire of patriotic zeal in and the merchant, the Catholic and the Ireland that was burning so brightly in Protestant, the Churchman and the Dis America. In 1779, though only thirtysenter, he who boasted of his pure native three years of age, he led the Irish Parlialineage and he who was as proud of the ment in demanding reforms. He moved an Saxon or Norman blood that flowed in amendment to the address to the King his veins rushed together to the vindi- that the nation could be saved only by cation of the liberties of their common free-trade, and it was adopted by unanicountry:" and, at the beginning of the mous vote. New taxes were refused. The year, beheld them embodied to the num- ordinary supplies usually granted for two ber of 80.000 volunteers. The British years were granted for six months. government dared not refuse the arms Throughout the little kingdom an inexwhich they demanded to repel a threat- tinguishable sentiment of nationality was ened invasion from France. The fiery Grattan was then leader in the Irish Parliament. "I never will be satisfied." he exclaimed in debate, "so long as the meanest cottager in Ireland has a link The volunteer army of Ireland, comof the British chain clanking to his rags: manded by officers of their own choice, he may be naked-he shall not be in amounted to about 50.000 at the close of irons." The Irish Parliament acted in the war with America (1782). They accordance with this spirit, and adopted were united under one general-in-chief. aroused. Alarmed by the threatening attitude, the British Parliament, in 1781, conceded to the dependent kingdom its claims to commercial equality. Feeling strong in the right and in its material and moral vitality at the moment, and encouraged by the success of the Americans, Ireland demanded reforms for herself. The viceroy reported that unless it was determined that the knot which bound the two countries should be severed forever, the points required by the Irish Parliament must be conceded. It was a critical moment. Eden, who was secretary for Ireland, proposed the repeal of the act of George I. which asserted the right of the Parliament of Great Britain to make laws to bind the people and the kingdom of Ireland-the right claimed for Parliament which drove the Americans to war-and the Rockingham ministry adopted and carried the important measure. Appeals from the courts of Ireland to the British House of Peers were abolished; the restraints on independent legislation were done away with, and Ireland, still owing allegiance to Great Britain, obtained the independence of its Parliament. This was the fruit of the war for independence in America. The people of Ireland owed the vindication of their rights to the patriots of the United States; but their gratitude took the direction of their complained-of oppressor, and their legislature voted $500,000 for the levy of 20,000 seamen to strengthen the royal navy, whose ships had not yet been withdrawn from American waters, and which, with an army, were still menacing the liberties of the Americans. Ireland, JOHN, clergyman; born in Burnchurch, County Kilkenny, Ireland, Sept. 11, 1838. When nine years old he came to the United States and received a primary education in the Catholic schools of St. Paul, Minn. In 1853 he went to France and took a preparatory course in the Meximieux Seminary, after which he received his theological training in the seminary of Hyères. On Dec. 21, 1861, he was ordained a priest, and for a while served in the Civil War as chaplain of the 5th Minnesota Regiment. Later he was made rector of the St. Paul Cathedral. In 1870-71 he represented Bishop Grace of St. Paul in the Vatican Council in Rome. Subsequently the Pope named him Bishop of Maronea and coadjutor to Bishop Grace, and he was consecrated Dec. 21, 1875. He succeeded to V.-E the see of St. Paul on July 31, 1884, and was made archbishop on May 15, 1888. From early youth he was a strong advocate of temperance. In 1869 he established the first total abstinence society in Minnesota. He also became active in colonizing the Northwest with Roman Catholics. In 1887 he went to Rome with Bishop Keane, of Richmond, for the purpose of placing before the Pope the need of a Roman Catholic University at Washington, D. C., which has since been established under the name of the Catholic University of America. In 1891 a memorable controversy arose over the action of a Roman Catholic priest in Faribault, Minn., in transferring the parochial school to the control of the public school board. The transfer and the conditions were approved by Archbishop Ireland, and the experiment became known as the "Faribault Plan." The conditions in brief were that the city should bear all the expenses of the school; that the text-books and general management should be the same as in the public schools; that the priest should have the right of nominating 65 teachers for the school of his own religious denomination, who would be subject to the required examination; and that no religious exercises, instruction, nor emblems should be permitted in the school. This plan was also adopted in Stillwater, Minn. Soon, however, bishops in other parts of the country, who disapproved of the scheme, complained at Rome that Archbishop Ireland was disregarding the ecclesiastical law as expressed by the plenary councils of Baltimore. Archbishop Corrigan, of New York, was one of the leaders of this opposition. Archbishop Ireland was summoned to Rome, and after a long examination of the plan it was approved by the Congregation of the Propaganda in its decree of April 30, 1892. Lafayette and America.-On July 4, 1900, a statue of Lafayette, the cost of which had been raised by the school children of the United States, was unveiled in Paris and formally presented to the French people. Archbishop Ireland was selected to deliver the oration on the occasion, and on being informed of this President McKinley addressed him the following letter: "EXECUTIVE MANSION, "WASHINGTON, June 11. "DEAR SIR,-Within & few days I have approved a resolution of Congress which voices in fitting terms the profound sympathy with which our people regard the presentation to France by the youth of America of a statue of General Lafayette. It has given me much pleasure to learn that you have been selected to deliver the address on this most interesting occasion. "No more eminent representative of AmerIcan eloquence and patriotism could have been chosen, and none who could better give appropriate expression to the sentiments of gratitude and affection which bind our people to France. "I will be grateful if you will say how we honor in our national capital the statue of Lafayette erected by the French people, and convey my hope that the presentation of a similar memorial of that knightly soldier, whom both republics are proud to claim, may serve as a new link of friendship between the two countries, and a new incentive to gener ous rivalry in striving for the good of manVery sincerely yours. kind. "WILLIAM MCKINLEY. "Most Rev. John Ireland, Archbishop of St. Paul, St. Paul, Minn." The following is the principal part of the oration: To-day a nation speaks her gratitude to a nation; America proclaims her remembrance of priceless favors conferred upon her by France. We speak to France in the name of America, under commission from her chief magistrate, William McKinley, from her Senate and House of Representatives, from her youths who throng her schools, and from the tens of millions of her people who rejoice in the rich inheritance won in years past by the allied armies of France and America. We are bidden by America to give in the hearing of the world testimony of her gratitude to France. Once weak and poor, in sore need of sympathy and succor, to-day the peer of the mightiest, self-sufficing, asking for naught save the respect and friendship to which her merits may entitle her, the republic of the United States of America holds in loving remembrance the nation from which in the days of her dire necessity there came to her powerful and chivalrous support. Noble men and noble nations forgive injuries; they never forget favors. There is a land which is above all other lands the land of chivalry, of noble impulse and generous sacrifice, the land of devotion to ideals. At the call of a highborn principle her sons, with souls attuned by nature to the harmonies of the true and the beautiful, leap instinctively into the arena, resolved at any cost to render such principle a reality in the life-current of humanity. The pages of its history are glistening with the names of heroes and martyrs, of knightly soldiers and saintly missionaries. It is of France I speak. At the close of the last century France was, more than ever, ready to hearken to an appeal made in the name of human rights. The spirit of liberty was hovering over the land, never again to depart from it, even if for a time baffled in its aspirations by the excesses of friends or the oppression of foes. France America turned and spoke her hopes and fears: her messengers pleaded her cause in Paris; quick and generous was the response which France gave to the appeal. To Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette! Oh, that words of mine could ex press the full burning love which our soul an American, as proud of America Revolutionary sires did bear to this illustrious son of old Auvergne! Oh, that I could pronounce his name with the reverence with which my countrymen across the sea wish me to pronounce it before the people of France! In America two names are the idols of our national worship, the burden of fireside tale, the inspiration of the poet's song, the theme of the orator's discourse: the name of him who was the Father of his CountryGeorge Washington; and the name of him who was the true and trusty friend of Washington, Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette. Strange were it if America did not cherish the name of Lafayette. He loved America. From the moment that I heard the name of America," said he, "I loved her; from the moment I learned of her struggles for liberty, I was inflamed with the desire of shedding my blood for her." He understood, above most men of his time, the full significance of America's contest. "Never," said he, "had so noble a purpose offered itself to the judgment of men; it was the last struggle for liberty, and its defeat would have left freedom without a home and without hopes." His devotion to America was as unselfish as it was intense. "I offer myself," he wrote, to serve the United States with all possible zeal without pension or allow ance." 66 Wealth and rank, the favors of court and king, high distinction in the service of his own country, the endearments of wife and child-all that ambition could covet or opportunity promise, the youth of nineteen summers put resolutely aside to cast his lot with a far-off people battling against fearful odds-and that at a moment when their fortunes were at their lowest ebb, and hope had wellnigh abandoned their standard. When the agent of America in France sadly confessed that he was even unable to furnish a ship to carry him and other volunteers, Lafayette said: "I will buy a ship and take your men with me." By his magnanimity of soul, and by his grace of manner, not less than by his military prowess, he won all hearts and became the idol of the American army. He proved himself to the inmost fibre of his as the proudest of her patriots, the champion before all contestants of her honor and her fair name. More cheerfully even than his American companions in arms he bore the terrible hardships of the war; again and again he pledged his personal fortune to buy food and clothing for his men, who knew him by the familiar appellation of "The Marquis, the soldiers' friend." In camp and in battle his influence was boundless; a word of cheer from his lips roused the drooping spirits of his soldiers; a word of command sent them headlong against the enemy. visitor to the American camp, the Marquis de Chastellux, could not help remarking that Lafayette was never spoken of without manifest tokens of attachment and affection. A But much as Lafayette deserves and receives our love and honor in return for his personal services in the cause of America, his chief title to the gratitude of our people is that his heroic figure ever looms up before their entranced fancy as the symbol of the magnanimity which France as a nation displayed towards our country in her laborious struggle for life and liberty. The value of the aid given to us by France in our war for independence is inestimable. The joy which the memory of it awakens in our souls is that which comes to us through the consciousness of our national life itself. France stood first sponsor for our nationhood. We entered into the great family of nations leaning on her arm, radiant with the refiection of her histrionic splendor, and strong in the protection of her titanic stature. When Franklin stood in the palace of Versailles, the acknowledged envoy of America, and Gerard de Rayneval, as the minister of France, saluted the Congress of America at Philadelphia, the young republic thrilled with new life and leaped at once into a full sense of security and a true consciousness of her dignity. Let historians relate as they will that the King and minister of France saw in the revolt of the American colonies, and in the assistance that might be given them, an opportunity for France to avenge the humiliation of the treaty of 1763. It is not for us to demand that statesmen become for our sake oblivious |