General Buckner (captured by Grant at Donelsen), and several others, Breckinridge endeavoured to carry his own State into the Confederate compact; but the home of Henry Clay, and the mother State of Abraham Lincoln, preferred remaining in the old Union. After advocating the novel idea that a Province may remain neutral while the General Government is at war, and urging upon the State and the authorities at Washington that Kentucky should remain neutral during the impending conflict, Messrs. Buckner, Breckinridge, & Co. seceded in their individual capacity, and joined the Southern Army, in which Breckinridge soon became a general officer. Having reached the Confederate lines in safety, Mr. Breckinridge issued an address to the people of his old State, in which he said :-" Has Kentucky passed out of the control of her own people? Shall hirelings of the pen, recently imported from the North, sitting in grand security at the capital, force the public opinion to approve usurpations, and point out victims? Shall Mr. Lincoln, through his German mercenaries, imprison or exile the children of the men who had laid the foundations of the Commonwealth, and compel our noble people to exhaust themselves in furnishing the money to destroy their own freedom? Never, while Kentucky remains the Kentucky of old!—never, while thousands of her gallant sons have the will and the nerve to make the State sing to the music of their rifles!"

The Louisville Journal, of the 12th of October 1861, so cleverly showed up the inconsistency of recreant Kentuckians, that I cannot resist making the following quotation :-" Hundreds of those exceedingly sensitive Kentuckians, who so eloquently proclaimed that they could never take up arms against the Southern States, inasmuch as those States were Kentucky's sisters, have now taken up arms for the conquest of Kentucky herself! Isn't that enough to make the devil laugh ?"

The old American party, under the new designation of the Union party, met in delegated Convention in Baltimore, on the 19th of May, and nominated John Bell of Tennessee for President, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts for Vice-President. The New England scholar was placed behind Mr. Bell, a very moderate man in every sense of the word, for the Presidential race of 1860. The party "platform" upon which this ill-assorted couple stood, maintained :"That it is both the part of patriotism and duty to recognise no political principle other than the Constitution of the country, the Union of the States, and the enforcement of the Laws." And in the same resolution the Convention pledged itself to "maintain, protect, and defend, separately and unitedly, these great principles of public liberty and national safety against all enemies at home and abroad." During the election which followed, Bell and Everett manifested great strength, polling about 650,000 votes, and carrying the

States of Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee. But the professions of fidelity to the Union was ignored by nine-tenths of the men who voted for Bell and Everett in the Slave States, for no sooner had South Carolina declared for secession than John Bell, together with his ablest supporters in the South, turned their backs upon their noble creed, and favoured the disruption of the Union.

It is easy to prove the inconsistency of the Bell men. It was difficult for them to stand aloof, or stand alone, amid the whirlwind of enthusiasm for secession which enveloped most of the Southern States. Edward Everett, with tongue and pen, advocated the Union cause; and the men of the North, who voted for him for the Vice-Presidency, were faithful to their record when war came. But let us not forget that the circumstances and surroundings were favourable. It is no great virtue to obey the eighth commandment when your wardrobe is furnished, your larder full, and your balance at the banker's on the right side.

The Convention of Republicans assembled at Chicago on the 16th of May. The principles of the party were set forth in strong and unequivocal resolutions. The eighth dealt with the slavery question. It fairly represented the views of the party; it was the all-important resolution in the platform-the rock upon which we split. I give it in full:

"Resolved-That the normal condition of the territory of the United States is that of Freedom; that as

B

our Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that 'no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law,' it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individual, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States."

The contest for the nomination of the party was close and spirited between William H. Seward of New York and Abraham Lincoln of Illinois. Lincoln was nominated, however, on the third ballot. It was believed by many that the Convention had committed a blunder in nominating a comparatively unknown and untried man over Senator Seward-the able and astute advocate of anti-slavery principles in Congress, and the acknowledged leader of the Republican party. But the strength of Lincoln, as a candidate, soon became apparent. The history of his life was romantic and of captivating interest. That a man is born to affluence and social distinction avails nothing in American political contests. He who has conquered difficulties and disadvantages, and by his own individual efforts has won his way to the front rank of eminent men, has always been, and for years will continue to be, a more acceptable political leader than one upon whose cradle fortune smiled.

Lincoln was born in poverty in the Slave State of Kentucky. His early life was a succession of struggles against adverse fate. His knowledge of history and literature had been obtained from borrowed volumes. He studied English grammar by the light of burning shavings at a cooper's shop. His school training only lasted six months. But he could solve any problem in Euclid at sight. He taught himself in six weeks to be an expert surveyor. He was the terror of mobs and bullies, and the champion of order, free-speech, and fair elections.

After an unsuccessful attempt as a merchant in a small way, Lincoln devoted himself to the study of law. The elementary books were furnished him by Mr. Stewart of Springfield, his future partner. He prosecuted his studies with characteristic industry, and was admitted to the Bar in 1836. He became one of the first lawyers in the West. Lincoln served his State in Congress for two years. In 1856 he was the candidate of the anti-slavery men of Illinois for the United States Senate, but was defeated through a compromise which he advised, and which resulted in the election of Judge Trumbull. Lincoln had by this time become the leader of his party in Illinois. In 1858 he was again a candidate for the Senate, with Mr. Douglas for his adversary; and his defeat upon that occasion was by many attributed to the principles laid down in a speech delivered at Springfield, with which the campaign was inaugurated. Mr. Lincoln said :