CHAPTER VIII.

ESCAPE AND CAPTURE OF THE PEARL.

DEBATES IN CONGRESS.

- RIOTOUS PROCEEDINGS.TRIAL OF DRAYTON.

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French Revolution of 1848. General rejoicings. Resolutions of congratulation introduced into Congress. Amendments of Ashmun and Schenck. Speeches. Popular demonstrations. - Escape of slaves. Sad fate of the fugitives. Popular excitement and indignation. - Demonstrations against the "National Era."-Action of Mr. Giddings. Mr. Palfrey's resolutions. Remarks of Stephens, Haskell, Toombs, Stanton, Thompson, Bayly, Wick, Giddings, and Root. - Hale's resolution in the Senate. Remarks by CalRemarks of Jefferson Davis, Butler, Douglas, Cameron. Reply of Hale to assailants. — Trial and conviction of Drayton and Sayers. Imprisonment and pardon.

houn. Foote's threat.

EIGHTEEN hundred and forty-eight was the "year of revolutions." A tidal wave of thought and feeling passed over Europe, toppling thrones, sweeping away dynasties, and unsettling the political and social institutions of the people. France was especially disturbed. Its king was deposed and driven into exile, and the house of Orleans ceased to be one of the reigning families of the Continent. Though the fulfilment did not come up to the promise, nor answer the sanguine expectations generated by the revolution, yet for the time being a republican government was organized, and France took her place among the democracies of the earth.

This country shared largely in the enthusiasm of the hour. Meetings and resolutions of congratulation proclaimed the general rejoicing; and nowhere were these demonstrations more noisy and extravagant than at the seat of government. Early in April, President Polk sent a message to Congress announcing the event, and affirming that "the world has seldom witnessed a more interesting and sublime spectacle than the peaceful rising of the French people, resolved to secure for themselves enlarged liberty." On the same day a series of

resolutions was introduced into the House expressing satisfaction that "the sentiment of self-government is commending itself to the favorable consideration of the more intelligent" of the nations; announcing "the hope that downtrodden humanity may succeed in breaking down all forms of tyranny and oppression"; tendering their warmest sympathies to the people of France and Italy in their present struggle. Mr. Ashmun of Massachusetts offered, as an amendment, that we especially see an encouraging earnest of their success in the decree which pledges the government of France to early measures for the immediate emancipation of all slaves in the colonies." Mr. Schenck of Ohio offered, as an amendment to the amendment, the words "recognizing, as we do, that there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude."

On these resolutions and amendments there were several eloquent speeches, too jubilant, indeed, over what had transpired, and too extravagant in the anticipations expressed for the future, revealing, as they did, what is now patent to every beholder, that none at that time fully appreciated the real power of despotism in either hemisphere, the tenacity of its hold, or the terrible struggle that would be required for its overthrow." It is," said Mr. McClernand of Illinois, "the triumph of liberty over tyranny, of truth over error, of humanity over inhumanity, the enunciation that the time is rapidly approaching when in Europe military force must bow to moral force, when kings must bow to the supreme majesty of the people, when the masses of Europe have only to will it to be free."

"I solemnly believe," said Mr. Hilliard of Alabama, "that the time has come when kingcraft has lost its hold upon the human mind. The world is waking from its deep slumber, and mankind begin to see that the right to govern belongs not to crowned kings, but to the great masses." And yet, great as were his gratulations over the alleged downfall of kingcraft, he was not prepared to recognize the abstract doctrine of human equality, or to welcome the elevation of man as man. He even expressed the apprehension that "the fraternity which has been adopted may not be consistent with well-regu

lated liberty; it may be the dream of idealists, and not the conception of philosophical statesmen," while he regretfully alluded to Mr. Ashmun's amendment as something foreign, "as a matter which does not belong to it." He also volunteered the somewhat defiant assertion that there was everywhere at the South a purpose to maintain the claim of the masters on their slaves" with a courage and firmness which nothing can intimidate or shake."

With like inconsistency. Mr. Haskell of Tennessee, while asserting that the kingdoms of Europe "were upheaving beneath the throb of liberty which was animating the bosoms of the people," and "that it was from this country that they had caught the flame," declared that he was "sick and tired of this continual thrusting in this subject of slavery," which was calculated "to stop the progress of freedom; to injure this government itself, and put out this light toward which with hope were turned the eyes of the downtrodden world."

The few antislavery men in Congress bravely defended their principles; nor did they fail to point out the glaring inconsistency of singing pæans over the triumph of freedom in Europe, and at the same time avowing a persistent determination to perpetuate a far more despotic and hopeless tyranny here. Mr. Giddings, noting the inconsistency, exclaimed : "Look from that window, and there you will see a slave-pen, whose gloomy walls in mute but eloquent terms proclaim the hypocrisy of the deed!" And all this, he reminded the House, is sustained by laws enacted by Congress. "Will not the French cast back all such pretended sympathy with abhorrence? Will they not look with disgust on such deception and hypocrisy, when they see a nation of slave-dealers tendering their sympathy to a free people?"

In the debate on similar resolutions, unanimously adopted by the Senate, Mr. Hale, sharing in the general enthusiasm, though, as the event proved, speaking too despairingly of his own nation and too hopefully of those across the water, gave expression to both his hopes and fears. "I have sometimes thought," he said, "in dwelling upon the history of this Republic, that I had seen indications, fearful and fatal, that we

were departing from the faith of our fathers; that, instead of being true to the first principles of human liberty which we have proclaimed, we were cutting loose from them; that the illustration we were about to give of the capability of man for self-government was to be the same as that of other nations which had gone before us; and that, after our failure, the hopes of freedom would indeed be extinguished forever. But in the dawning of this revolution in France I behold the sun of hope again arise, his beams of golden light streaming along the eastern horizon. I am now inspired by the hope that, even if we fail here, if Liberty should be driven from this her chosen asylum, the divine principle would still live, and would find a sanctuary among the people of another land; that when our history should have been written, and our tale told, with its sad moral of our faithlessness to liberty, boasting of our love of freedom while we listened unmoved to the clanking of chains and the wail of the bondmen, even then, in a continent of the Old World, light would be seen arising out of darkness, life out of death, and hope out of despair.”

A municipal celebration of the event in Washington, embracing noisy outdoor demonstrations, a torchlight procession, the illumination of the houses of the President and the heads of the departments, also afforded occasion for extravagant utterances. "Indeed," said Horace Mann, "stormy eloquence rushed forth from the capital of the nation, like winds from the cave of Æolus, and roared and roared till all but the dead must have heard it."

Among the rhapsodists of that occasion was Senator Foote from Mississippi. Alluding to the events in Europe, he said, "The glorious work which has been so well begun cannot possibly fail of complete accomplishment. The age of tyrants and slavery is rapidly drawing to a close. The happy period, to be signalized by the universal emancipation of man from the fetters of civil oppression, and the recognition in all countries of the great principles of popular sovereignty, equality, and brotherhood, are at this moment visibly commencing." Such language from such a man, in such a presence, sufficiently singular in itself, was afterward rendered more noteworthy by

a subsequent fact, that, when repeated before a Washington court by Mr. Mann, as counsel for Drayton and Sayers, in their trial for the abduction of slaves, the eloquent advocate was checked by the presiding judge because it was "inflammatory," and because, the latter said, "we have institutions that may be endangered by it."

While these exciting scenes were in progress, there was approaching quietly and unobserved up the Potomac a plain and ordinary craft, destined soon to direct the popular mind into other channels, test the value of much of this rhetoric, and become, for a time at least, a matter of national interest. That craft was the schooner Pearl, laden with wood, but soon to return with the living freight of seventy-seven fugitive slaves, who had dared the fearful risks they soon encountered for that freedom for themselves they had just heard so highly eulogized for others. The exodus of so large a number soon became known, and an armed steamer was speedily despatched in hot pursuit. The schooner was overtaken at the mouth of the river, and brought back, with its ill-fated company. They were met at the wharf by a mob of several thousands, and were with difficulty escorted to the city prison. They were soon visited by Mr. Giddings and Mr. Hamlin, formerly a member of Congress from Ohio, at much personal hazard, not only to express their sympathy, but to tender, especially to Drayton and Sayers, their professional services, if they were needed.

Little authentic information of the origin of that attempted escape, or of the different individuals which made up that brave but unfortunate company, has ever been made public. As usual, the recaptured were turned over to the slave-dealers, to meet the doom, so much dreaded by the slave, of being sent South, there to be lost in the world of wretchedness and woe which overspread that portion of this boasted land of freedom. There were, however, exceptions, the memory whereof lingers in many minds. There was the Edmondson family, described as "the finest family for miles round," educated, religious, and refined, and valued in the market at fifteen thousand dollars. Of the six who joined that company, two were the