small amount of indignant protests. Mr. Wade spoke of this treachery of Southern Whigs, who thus, in "secret conclave." "without consultation with their Northern brethren," on "the greatest question that ever challenged the investigation of the American Senate," gave in their adhesion to the measure. Saying that "the humiliation of the North is complete and overwhelming," that "no Southern enemy can wish her deeper degradation," he said his appeal should be to the people. The Southern wing of the old Whig party has "joined its fortunes," he said, "with what is called the national Democracy, and I wish you joy in your new connection." The Northern wing, released from all Southern incumbrance, will become more "popular at home," and, "running without weights" against the slave Democracy of the North, must succeed. Mr. Benjamin, in a speech distinguished alike for specious subtleties, polished diction, and graceful rhetoric, "merely desired to explain the apparent inconsistency" of his votes. "The amendment," he said, " commends itself to my deliberate judgment. I voted for it before. I shall vote against it now." He vindicated his vote by asserting his willingness to sacrifice the amendment, though it met his approval, " for the purpose of maintaining the great principles" of the bill,-its popular sovereignty and its "obliteration of a geographical line." Mr. Seward spoke with his usual force and hopefulness, though not unmingled with sorrow and humiliation at the immediate prospect. "The sun has set," he said, "for the last time, upon the guaranteed and certain liberties of all the unsettled and unorganized portions of the American continent that lie within the jurisdiction of the United States. To-morrow's sun will rise in dim eclipse over them. The Senate floor is an old battle-ground, on which have been fought many contests, and always, at least since 1820, with fortunes adverse to the cause of equal and universal freedom." Addressing, however, the supporters of the bill, he remarked: "I only say that there may be an extent of intervention, of aggression, on your which may induce the North, at some time, either in this or side, in some future generation, to adopt your tactics and follow your example. Remember now that this law will be a repealable statute, exposed to all the chances of the Missouri compromise. . You are, moreover, setting an example which abrogates all compromises. . . . . It has been no proposition of mine to abrogate them now; but the proposition has come from another quarter, from an adverse one. It is about to prevail. The shifting sands of compromise are passing from under my feet, and they are now, without agency of my own, taking hold again on the rock of the Constitution. It shall be no fault of mine if they do not remain firm. This seems to me auspicious of better days and wiser legislation. Through all the darkness and gloom of the present hour bright stars are breaking, that inspire me with hope and excite me to per Mr. Cass followed in a speech consisting mainly of a sarcastic rejoinder to Mr. Benton's speech in the House and a defence of his peculiar dogma of "squatter sovereignty." Mr. Mason accepted the bill, notwithstanding he did not approve of some features, because of its great principle that "the general government has no power to legislate on the subject of slavery," and because "this bill, if it pass, is the death-blow of abolition." The remarks of Mr. Bayard were chiefly noticeable for the admission that the great danger to this country, and the question which lay at the bottom of all abolition excitement, was the naked question: "Is slavery a moral crime? Is it a sin against the laws of God and of Nature, and of the mandates of Christianity?" This was, he said, the great question. "The opinion that slavery is a moral crime, that doctrine, indefensible and untenable, must be refuted before the American people." Mr. Bayard was not only an eminent lawyer, but an astute politician. He saw that, whatever might be the temporary triumph of slavery, it was still insecure so long as the conscience and religious convictions of the country were unconvinced that it was not "a moral crime." The task he summoned its champions to perform was herculean; and, though often attempted by the talent and learning of the land, clerical and lay, it as often signally failed, for the plain reason that it could not be done. Mr. Chase again addressed the Senate, reiterating some of his former observations, and urging anew his reasons for opposing the measure. Though overborne for the moment, he spoke hopefully of the future. "All that now remains for me," he said, "is to enter against it, as I now do, my earnest and solemn protest, and to join with my colleague in recording against it the vote of Ohio." Near the closing hour, Mr. Sumner offered several memorials against the measure; among them "one hundred and twentyfive separate remonstrances from clergymen of the six New England States." Though disclaiming anything like “ a defence," he took occasion to vindicate very earnestly the character of the clergy, and their right to be heard at the bar of Congress as remonstrants against this great wrong. Thanking them for their generous interposition, he reminded the Senate that in the days of the Revolution John Adams, yearning for independence, said, "Let the pulpits thunder against oppression." And the pulpits did thunder. The time has come for them to thunder again. Styling "the bill. . . . at once the worst and best bill on which Congress ever acted, the worst, inasmuch as it is a present victory of slavery; the best bill, for it prepares the way for that All hail hereafter,' when slavery must disappear," he said: "Sorrowfully I bend before the wrong you are about to perpetrate. Joyfully I welcome all the promises of the future." The amendment was rejected, and the bill was passed by a vote of thirty-five to thirteen. Thus, after an excited and protracted debate of four months, in which the country was stirred to its profoundest depths, the plighted faith of the nation was broken and the landmarks of freedom were removed. A region of virgin soil, of fertility and beauty, consecrated by the solemn compact of the government to freedom and free institutions, was opened wide to dominating masters and cowering slaves. That faithless act was consummated by the servility of Northern men, who, seeing that the Slave Power was supreme, were led to believe that its ascendency would outlast their day; and with that assurance they seemed content to bow to its behests and do its bidding. Simply selfish, ambitious, and anxious to win, they were ready to disregard the rights of man, the enduring interests of the country, and the sacred claims of the Christian religion. CHAPTER XXXI. ORIGIN OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. General agitation and alarm. - Pulpit and Press. - "Independent," "Evening Post," and "Tribune." Political action demanded. - New Hampshire. Wisconsin.-A. E. Bovey. - Name recommended. Meeting in Washington. Dr. Bailey. - Vermont. Michigan. Joseph Warren. — Ohio. — Indiana. Action of New York Whigs. Massachusetts. - Meeting in Faneuil Hall. — Party formed. — Large success in the nation. Resolution of the House. - Party formed in Ohio. — In Pennsylvania. - Reaction. In New York. THE determined purpose of the Slave Power to make slavery the predominating national interest was never more clearly revealed than by the proposed repeal of the Missouri compromise. This was a deliberate and direct assault upon freedom. Many, indeed, under the pleas of fraternity and loyalty to the Union, palliated and apologized for this breach of faith; but the numbers were increasing every hour, as the struggle progressed, who could no longer be deceived by these hollow pretences. They could not close their eyes to the dangers of the country, and they were compelled to disavow what was so manifestly wrong, and to disconnect themselves from men and parties who were making so little concealment of their nefarious purposes and of their utter profligacy of principle. Pulpits and presses which had been dumb, or had spoken evasively and with slight fealty to truth, gave forth no uncertain sound. Calm argumentation, appeals to conscience, warnings, and dissuasions from the impending crime against liberty, were to be heard on every side. To the utterances of the sacred desk were added the action of ecclesiastical bodies, contributions to the press, and petitions to State legislatures and to Congress. The antislavery and Free Soil journals entered earnestly upon the work of indoctrinating and im |