liberty. But this humane condition was not simply rejected, it was scouted even, and that in language whose very extravagance and hyperbole revealed the earnestness and strength of conviction and purpose it was designed to express. Nor was it simply the expression of an individual opinion. Mr. Trist was a gentleman of capacity and character, never distinguished for his extreme views, and he well knew that even his extraordinary declarations did not more than give expression to the sentiments and determination of the government. Nor is there wanting the evidence of its correctness, in that there was never any disavowal of the same by the government or its agents. And thus it stands confessed to the nations, that republican America preferred war, with all its hazards and cost, to peace and territory, although imperial in size and resources, unless that territory could be devoted to slavery; and would have done so, though that territory were "increased tenfold in value," and "covered a foot thick with pure gold."

At the meeting of the XXXth Congress, in December, 1847, Robert C. Winthrop of Massachusetts was the Whig candidate for Speaker. His capacity, character, and culture, his political and social standing, as well as his parliamentary knowledge and experience, admirably qualified him for that position. His action on the slavery question during the preceding two years unquestionably commended him to the Southern Whigs, and reconciled them to casting their votes for a Northern man. This action, however, that so recommended him to extreme and sensitive Southern Whigs, rendered him as obnoxious to some Northern members. Mr. Palfrey of Massachusetts, Mr. Giddings and Mr. Tuck of New Hampshire, persistently withheld from him their votes. But he was chosen on the third ballot by the withdrawal of the votes of Mr. Tompkins, a Mississippi Whig, and Mr. Holmes, a South Carolina Democrat. In justification of his vote, Mr. Holmes said, in a letter to his constituents, that "the Southern Whigs opposed to the Wilmot proviso nominated Mr. Winthrop in caucus in opposition to a majority of the Northern Whigs, who were in favor of the Wilmot proviso, and who opposed the nomination of Mr. Winthrop." The refusal of Mr. Palfrey to

vote for his colleague was very distasteful to Mr. Winthrop and his friends in Massachusetts, and very materially tended to widen the breach between the two wings of the Whig party in that State.

To Caleb B. Smith of Indiana was assigned, by Speaker Winthrop, the then very important position of chairman of the Committee on Territories. He was a native of Massachusetts, a gentleman of ability, and an eloquent and effective speaker; but he did not display the boldness and organizing power the crisis demanded; nor did he manifest that earnestness, zeal, and faith which inspired the courage or won the confidence of others.

Early in the session, Harvey Putnam, a Whig member from New York, introduced a resolution prohibiting slavery in the territory acquired from Mexico. When it came up for consideration, in February, it was laid on the table by twelve majority, on motion of Richard Broadhead, a Pennsylvania Democrat. During the session, the question of extending slavery into the territory won from Mexico, or excluding it therefrom, continually forced itself upon the consideration of Congress. The issues involved were presented with elaborate fulness and much to the enlightenment of the country, but no practical results were secured during the session. It was also during this session that Mr. Clayton's specious and subtle device, misnamed a compromise, to unite Oregon, California, and New Mexico in one measure, leaving the slavery questions to be determined by the Supreme Court, so signally failed.

At the opening of the second session of the same Congress, the territorial question which had so largely entered into the Presidential canvass forced itself upon the attention of both Houses. Joseph M. Root of Ohio introduced a resolution instructing the Committee on Territories to introduce bills providing Territorial governments for New Mexico and California, and also excluding slavery. This resolution was adopted by a majority of twenty-seven, all the Democratic members from the free States, excepting eight, voting for it. A bill was soon reported for the government of California, and, early in the following month, another was introduced for the

organization of New Mexico. After debate, the bill for the government of California was taken from the Committee of the Whole, and Mr. Sawyer, a Democratic member from Ohio, moved to strike out the prohibition of slavery. But his motion was lost by a majority of seventeen. An amendment, in the nature of a substitute, was offered by Mr. Preston, a Whig member from Virginia, afterward Secretary of the Navy under General Taylor, providing for the organization of California as a State. The House, on motion of Mr. Collins of New York, amended the substitute so as to prohibit slavery. Other amendments were offered, rejected, or withdrawn, and the bill was then passed by a majority of thirty-nine. The Senate, however, by a majority of three, refused to consider it at all.

Mr. Walker of Wisconsin moved an amendment to the civil and diplomatic appropriation bill, extending the laws of the United States over the territory acquired from Mexico, and authorizing the President to make all needful regulations for the enforcement of the Constitution and laws in that territory. After a full debate, it was adopted by a vote of twenty-nine to twenty-seven. The House refused, by a majority of fourteen, to concur in that amendment. The Senate insisted, and asked a committee of conference. The committee, unable to agree, was discharged. It was then moved by Mr. McClernand, a Democratic member from Illinois, that the House recede from its disagreement with the Senate's amendment, and the motion was agreed to by three majority.

The House having receded, it was moved by Richard W. Thompson, a Whig member from Indiana, that it concur in the amendment of the Senate, with an amendment which was substantially a substitute, and which provided that the existing laws of the territory should be retained and observed until July 4, 1850, unless Congress should sooner provide for the government of these territories. Mr. Thompson's amendment was agreed to by a majority of six, and the Senate amendment, as amended, was adopted. But that body, finding that the House amendment recognized the existing laws prohibiting slavery, refused concurrence, though, after an excited debate, which continued till nearly seven o'clock on Sunday

morning, the 4th of March when it receded from its amendment. Its action, however, clearly revealed its spirit and purpose. Professing to believe it vitally important to organize governments in New Mexico and California; it had amended an appropriation bill for that purpose. But the House insisting, the Senate rejected its proposition, and thus revealed its object, in putting in peril, in the closing hours of the session, the civil and diplomatic appropriation bill, to have been, not the establishment of government, but the establishment of slavery. So, after a contest of more than two years, the Slave Power had defeated the proposed inhibition of slavery in the territory won by the blood and treasure of the nation, and Mr. Polk left to his successors the unsolved problem, whether slavery should enter into, or be excluded from it.

CHAPTER IV.

EXCLUSION OF SLAVERY FROM OREGON.

Characteristics of Slave Power. - Oregon, its boundaries and government. —Winthrop proviso. Douglas's bill. Burt's amendment. - New bill. - Hale's amendment. Senate debate. Bright's motion. - Calhoun's new dogma. Underwood's speech. Remarks of Baldwin, Niles, Berrien, Johnson, Dix. Calhoun's position. - His character. - Berrien, Phelps, Davis, Mason, Johnson of Georgia, Jefferson Davis. - Clayton's proposition. - Compromise committee. Report. - Great debate. Clarke's amendment.- Baldwin's amendment. John Davis's amendment. Passage of the Clayton bill. — Laid on the table in the House. Caleb B. Smith's bill. - Palfrey's amendment. Passage of the bill in the House. - Douglas's proposition. — Remarks of Mason, Dayton, Webster, Butler, Calhoun, Niles, Reverdy Johnson. - Rejec Extension of the line of the Missouri compromise. Passed in the Senate. Defeated in the House. - Menacing demands of Mr. Calhoun. · Benton's motion. Remarks of Bell, Houston and Benton. Benton's motion agreed to. - Passage of the Oregon bill. — Message of the President. Triumph of freedom.

tion of Foote's motion.

AMONG the villanies of which slavery was said to be the "sum" was its essential dishonesty. Conceived in fraud, it began and perpetuated its existence by the most flagrant outrage on the commonest and most sacred of human rights. Consequently the Slave Power, its embodiment, was never fair and honorable, high-minded or magnanimous. Never true to its pledges, and never bound by formal compacts, it very naturally treated with equal disregard the unwritten laws of social comity and good neighborhood. Gratitude and reciprocity were as foreign to it as justice and integrity. Its friendships were only simulated, and even its professions of regard were measured by the benefit hoped for therefrom. It clung to persons and parties only so long as they could be used, and when they ceased to be serviceable they were discarded and flung away. Not an inapt illustration was afforded by its treatment of the Northern Democracy on the Oregon question.