tles, but allow them no opportunity to fight for themselves. Dreadful reverses, and the absolute necessity for men, joined with the devoted loyalty of the blacks to the government, overcame these scruples. People of color showed most valuable kindness to Union men attempting to escape from rebel prisons, by furnishing food and relief to famishing soldiers, and as guides to our armies. At length, they met with a friendly reception as "contrabands;" and finally they rose to the dignity of soldiers in the army of Freedom. The proclamation indicated some of the perilous methods in which they might serve their country, and they moved promptly into all the positions declared open to them. The outcry of the rebels against this measure, characterizing it as a barbarous attempt to encourage all the horrors of insurrection, and their terrible threats and proclamations of retaliation, were strangely inconsistent. From the first moment of hostilities, they availed themselves of the services of their able-bodied slaves to strengthen their army; and if the slaves did not appear in the rank and file, yet their hard field-labors released others, and added them to the fighting force. Indeed, as no insurrection, no acts of barbarism, followed, and our strong colored troops were performing prodigies of valor, in their last extremity the rebels undertook to devise a method of making soldiers of their slaves; but it was too late. Indeed, it might be unsafe for them, but safe for the nation; for the instincts of the slaves were in favor of liberty.

When the world saw the promptness with which, to the number of 178,975, they volunteered to enter the army, the ease with which they accepted the most stringent discipline, their noble military bearing, and the desperate valor with which they charged the enemy or led a storming column, there was no longer any question as to the rank and value of black warriors. A recognition of the true manhood of the oppressed race was thus, by act of Providence, forced upon the American people. This was the second great triumph of liberty.

THE VICTORIES OF BLOOD AND OF TRUTH.

The American people had passed through unparalleled sufferings. Our dead, fallen in the struggle, numbered at least 325,000; and some 200,000 had gone into the spirit-world fighting for slavery. More than half a million of the American people had perished to settle the question, whether America should be slave or free; and the wail of sorrow, coming up from every part of the land, pierced the heavens. Great was our anguish, and great had been our crime; but God's purposes in regard to the United States were now becoming more evident, and men were awed before the majesty of his power. We began to realize "the mission of great suffering." Our victories were not merely over the embattled hosts of rebellion, but over the prejudices of ages. We had conquered ourselves. See what opinions had gone down in this struggle, and what truths had taken their place! We thought slavery was chiefly a misfortune: we had learned that it was an enormous individual and national crime. We thought it could be met by concessions, but learned that it must be destroyed. We thought it could be eradicated by truth, but learned that it could go out only in blood. We thought the war must be one of white men, but learned that the slaves were to have place and rank in the battle for freedom. We thought we could save the Union, and concede "the right" of property in man; but we learned that liberty and Union must stand or fall together. We thought we were fighting for the sovereignty of the government, but learned that we were fighting to emancipate the negroes and the nation. We thought, when the war was over, we must then deal with slavery as we might be able, but learned that the war could not be ended until we had "proclaimed liberty throughout the land to all the inhabitants thereof." We thought the manhood of slaves must be the result of long and almost impossible culture; but we learned that it was in their very being, and must have recognition and justice

before the era of education could begin. Finally, we had learned that God had determined to extend to the nation the regeneration which had long been recognized as the privilege of the individual only. So grandly rose truth in its new incarnation to enter upon its broader, mightier mission to the world.

THE GREAT AMENDMENT.

The Great Proclamation had released the slaves in the territory dominated by the Confederacy, and, with what seemed anomalous inconsistency, left in slavery those who were within the actual sovereignty of the United-States Government. This showed, not the principles or wishes of the President, but his loyal obedience to the Constitution. He would not advance a single step in favor of his most sacred principles without the clear authority of law; but the nation must make the great fundamental change.

When the Constitution was established, it seemed to have but one great task; which was, to work out of itself the wrong of a blind, almost concealed, indorsement of slavery. Broad and strong and sound in the main as it was, it was not equal to the work of shielding so enormous a vice from the blows which would be levelled at it by the hand of justice. Some there were, who, even in the earliest days of its authority, foresaw that it must some time purge itself from this vice, or be overthrown by it. Nothing could be logically clearer; and yet the power and sophistry of class interest and astute political leaders bewildered the people, and nearly succeeded in making the vilest tyranny and most odious caste appear to be the true intent of the fundamental law. It was only when the ruin which had been so long and insidiously working within the government broke out in overt acts of rebellion that the nation roused itself to the necessity of casting out from the Constitution this warring element of defiant oppression. Accordingly, on the thirty-first day of January, 1865, the great amendment was finally adopted by Congress.

Subsequently indorsed by the required numbers of States, it became Article XIII. of the Constitution; namely: "Sect. 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Sect. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." This achievement, reserved for our own day, was the strongest possible development of essential liberty. Other previous amendments were of comparatively small importance. There are some to follow, which will render more distinct and undeniable the equality of all men before the law, and make still clearer acknowledgment of the humble dependence of our great providential nation upon the arm of Almighty God.*

It was, of course, indispensable that the States should adjust their civil governments to this grand development of national freedom. This they are now in the act of doing. Amid the agonies of revolution, under authority practically irresistible, the oligarchy yields to democracy, and the Declaration of Independence comes out distinctly to take its place in the State governments. "We," now of modern times, we South and North, we the representative power of the nation, in Congress, conventions, and legislatures assembled, now, as did the Revolutionary fathers, "hold these truths to be selfevident, - that all men are born free and equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, and among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and that all true governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed." These grand old announcements are at length to be thoroughly practical in the Great Republic, and take their place in essence and form in the Constitutions of the Nation and the States. This is development such as ought to mark the century just following the great year of 1776.

Other amendments yet to be made, whether general or

local, radical or conservative, liberalizing or guarding the fundamental law, are of comparatively little importance. They may be tried, found imperfect and improved, or impracticable and abandoned; but this advance is organic and irrevocable.

At the close of this remarkable period, we look back with amazement at the events which have occurred. It may well be said, there have been no other such ten years of history on this continent. The work of long ages seems to have been crowded into a few brief years. The most sanguine reformers did not expect to live long enough to see revolutions so grand, and all in favor of liberty; but we have seen them, and are constrained to say, "It is the Lord's doings, and it is marvellous in our eyes."