furiously until the British found security from further assault between the old and the new levee. Jackson, having astonished Wellington's veterans by the vigor and skill of his attack, and taught them caution, which gave him time, retired within his main lines of defence. The enemy waiting for re-enforcements from the fleet, Jackson used every moment in strengthening his works. His rampart was constructed of cotton-bales: the ditch in front was broad and deep, and both were extended into the swamp. The British sent hot shot into our ship " Caroline," and burned it to the water's edge; but "The Louisiana" was towed away, and saved for future action.

The next day, the enemy opened furiously upon Jackson's line "with artillery, bombs, and Congreve rockets:" but they were answered so frightfully by the five heavy guns of the Americans, and the raking fire of "The Louisiana,” that further advance was impossible; and, after seven hours' desperate fighting, the British retired.

Just at this crisis, Jackson had to direct his attention to the city; and as there seemed danger of a pusillanimous surrender under orders of the legislature, then in session, he despatched Clayborne to watch them, who, though governor, acting under martial law, promptly obeyed Jackson's orders. He, believing he was conforming to the iron will of his commander, "placed a military guard at the door of the hall, and broke up the legislative assembly."

The intrepid general then scoured the city for shrinking cowards, ordered a registration of all the male inhabitants, and went on with his fortifications. He directed Gen. Morgan to erect defences on the right bank of the river similar to those on the left, and his orders were obeyed. The Kentucky militia, two thousand two hundred and fifty strong, arrived; and, though only part of them had arms, the rest were ordered to the works.

On the eighth day of January, 1815, the grand final attack of the British was made, under command of Sir E. Packing

ham in person. Thornton was directed to make a nightattack upon Morgan on the right bank of the river, which he did with bravery; and, Morgan's militia becoming unsteady, this attempt was successful. In the mean time, the main British force, under Packingham, covered by the terrific fire of six eighteen-pounders, advanced with the degrading cry of "booty and beauty" as their watchword. The column moving by the river carried an advanced American redoubt, the guns of which had raked the whole British lines as they came up. The main column, commanded by Gibbs and Kean, was hurled against Carroll's division, nearest the swamp. The storming-party encountered the ditch, and fell in large numbers before the unerring aim of the American sharpshooters and the belching fires of nine pieces. of heavy artillery. They could not endure this storm of death. They staggered and recoiled. Sir Edward, in attempting to rally them, was slain; Gibbs fell, mortally wounded; Kean was dangerously wounded; and Lambert, succeeding to the command, withdrew his mangled forces, calling back Thornton from his advantageous position on the opposite side of the river. The battle of New Orleans was gained, apparently, by the heroism and intrepidity of one great man, and the brave troops under his command; but God, who "maketh wars to cease from the ends of the earth," had determined to end this frightful contest, and usher in the era of peace.

The joy with which the people hailed the announcement of the treaty, agreed to by commissioners and ratified by the British Government, indicated their decided aversion to the war; while the administration, by waiving utterly the great question of the right of search, to resist which the war was commenced, made sufficient acknowledgment of the highest indiscretion, either in declaring war, or in consenting to a peace which did not secure the only grave point in dispute. The glorious victory of Jackson alone saved the president and the war Democrats from overwhelming disgrace.

In the mean time, it had fully appeared, on the land and on the sea, that the war-power of the Republic was in the people; that it was not in the administration nor in a stand ing army, but in the freedom of American citizenship. These men from the farm, the shop, the store, and the study, would not come first into action with the skill of veterans; but they would include all the elements of a grand military force, and the war-power of the nation would be developed in the field. This, therefore, may be considered as American history in advance of the world, the people in the midst of peaceful industry are their own standing army.

CHAPTER VII.

DEVELOPMENT OF LEARNING AND THE ARTS.

"Consent to bad government is consent to ruin. Good government can come only of general intellectual and moral development." - PARTRIDGE

EDUCATION in the United States has received considerable attention; and, while we do not boast of great learning, history will accord to us a degree of comparative progress quite equal to our age. The first wants of a new people are physical. Attention must be given to clearing away the forests, cultivating the soil, mechanical industry, and trade. The people must construct roads, bridges, houses, barns, churches, ships, and whatever else will provide them food, clothing, shelter, and the means of commerce. These are necessities; and hence the useful precede the fine arts. Our rapid development and real greatness withdraw attention from the fact of our recent origin as a people. It could hardly be credited, that, dating from the Declaration of Independence, we have not yet completed the first century of national existence. We are still very largely occupied with the rough labor of pioneers, slowly subjecting the soil of our vast territory to imperfect cultivation. These are facts eminently fit to be considered in estimating our real and relative progress in learning and the arts.

PUBLIC SCHOOLS.

In the year ending June, population were at school.

1860, about five millions of our About one-sixth of our people

are doubtless receiving tuition. A large proportion of them

are children from five to fifteen years of age, who are in our common schools. These institutions are fundamental in the United States. They began early in our history, and formed a part of the constitutional provisions of Massachusetts and Pennsylvania.

The idea of imparting the rudiments of an education without charge to the children of the Republic was a NewEngland idea, and it grew up from small beginnings to be a thoroughly American idea. It was opposed, on the one hand, to the neglect and degrading ignorance which pervaded the lower classes in England; and, on the other, to the aristocratic feeling that education was for the children of gentlemen, and they were to be kept apart from the children of the common people. To the thinking philanthropist, there was a deep and destructive vice in this general ignorance and in these invidious distinctions. Schools, therefore, began to be provided for all. But this idea, like all others of great value, must contend for its position. Two public enemies of the common schools have been very determined in their opposition. The affectations of caste, esteeming the common mind vulgar, and the higher bred entitled to the distinction of exclusiveness in the manner if not in the fact of education, have long withheld the support which these great institutions of philanthropy have needed and deserved, and in whole States prevented their effective organization.

Romish bigotry contends for the right of exclusive education from public funds, that children, not merely their own, but as many others as they can control, may be educated Catholics at the public expense. The Government of the States generally treats them as Americans. It makes no objections to denominational schools; but they cannot be the public schools which the people, as Americans, support. Taxes must be equal and privileges equal under the law. Differences may exist, and be provided for by individuals and churches; but, as States and a General Government, we