WISE DELIBERATION AND DIPLOMACY.

Pausing a little upon the eve of this great event, we may behold the strength, the firmness, the self-control, of great minds. It is the twenty-sixth day of June, 1775; and the Provincial Congress of New York, addressing Washington, "from whose abilities and virtue they were taught to expect peace," "declare an accommodation with the mother-country to be the fondest wish of each American soul, in the fullest assurance, that, upon such an accommodation, he would cheerfully resign his trust, and become once more a citizen." "When we assumed the soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen,' announced Washington for himself and his colleagues; but, having once drawn the sword, he postponed the thought of private life to the 'establishment of American liberty on the most firm and solid foundation."'"*

The Assembly of the future Empire State proposed a plan of adjustment between the colonies and Great Britain. It insisted on every right, with regard to legislation, taxation, and religion, heretofore demanded, excepting the regulation of trade. This it conceded to the home government; proposing also, upon proper conditions, to help in the general defence. Then they instructed their delegates in the Continental Congress to "use every effort for compromising this unhappy quarrel; so that, if our well-meant endeavors shall fail of effect, we may stand irreproachable by our own consciences in the last solemn appeal to the God of battles."

The other colonies met the stern issues of that great epoch in history in a similar spirit, though not all with the same caution. It has been suggested that New England and the South had less to dread from the British fleet and from the war than the commercial state and city of New York; and that this, in part, explains the difference in demonstrative independence. This difference would, however, soon disappear; and John Adams and John Jay would take their

* Bancroft, viii. 34.

places side by side in the great struggle which had not yet reached its crisis.

In the mean time, as danger increased, Congress became more explicit. Read these clear, strong words: "Why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute, it is declared that Parliament can of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatever. What is to defend us against so unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it is chosen by us, and an American revenue would lighten their own burdens in proportion as they increase ours." "These colonies now feel the complicated calamities of fire, sword, and famine. We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to irated ministers, or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Our cause is just, our union is perfect, our internal resources are great; and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. Before God and the world. we declare, that the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume we will employ for the preservation of our liberties, being with one mind resolved to die freemen rather than live slaves. We have not raised armies with designs of separating from Great Britain, and establishing independent States: necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate measure. We exhibit to mankind the spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offence. In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birthright, for the protection of our property against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed; and not before."

John Adams would have followed this firm announcement by an immediate declaration of independence. Franklin revealed his opinion by writing to Strahan, through whom

he had heretofore communicated with Lord North, the following burning words: "You are a member of Parliament, and one of that majority which has doomed my country to destruction. You have begun to burn our towns, and murder our people. Look upon your hands: they are stained with the blood of your relations! You and I were long friends you are now my enemy, and I am yours." But he did not resist the opinion of the considerate Jay, and another appeal was made to the king. It was written by Dickinson of Pennsylvania, and contained these words: "We beseech your Majesty to direct some mode by which the united applications of your faithful colonists to the throne, in pursuance of their common councils, may be improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation; and that, in the mean time, measures may be taken for preventing the further destruction of the lives of your Majesty's subjects; and that such statutes as more immediately distress any of your Majesty's colonies may be repealed." Surely this was suffi ciently humble and deferential. But the people of England must not interpret the petition for justice as the language of craven submission. The American people would do nothing now as colonies. They were a nation; and their Congress alone could negotiate terms of peace. Their address to the British nation was calm and unanswerable. Their thanks to the officers of the city of London, who opposed a manly resistance to the despotic measures of the crown and parliament, were expressed in language most dignified and sincere. The American Congress would not be misunderstood; and thus they write: "North America wishes most ardently for a lasting connection with Great Britain on terms of just and equal liberty; less than which, generous minds will not offer, nor brave and free ones receive."

Evidently it was no part of the scheme of our fathers to erect an independent government in the Western hemisphere. They were subjects of the British crown; and so

intended, with unaffected loyalty, to remain. But that Providence which had guided them through all their wonderful career unfolded to them their high destination gradually. Dependence upon a foreign government was evidently incompatible with the divine plans of a model government for the instruction of the race. God would conduct the people of the new nation through such discipline and sufferings as would lead them to a clear understanding of his purposes, and secure them from the fatal error into which such pliable, brilliant men as Dickinson would lead them. It required yet a full year of stern, cruel, bloody war, to bring the masses up to the position occupied by their daring leaders, and produce the Declaration.

Washington reached the camp around Boston. He received the enthusiastic congratulations of officers and civilians with true diffidence and noble dignity. "Now be strong and very courageous," said Trumbull, governor of Connecticut. "May the God of the armies of Israel give you wisdom and fortitude, cover your head in the day of battle and danger, and convince our enemies that all their attempts to deprive these colonies of their rights and liberties are vain!" Washington replies, with the calmness of a great Christian statesman and warrior, "The cause of our common country calls us both to an active and dangerous duty: Divine Providence, which wisely orders the affairs of men, will enable us to discharge it with fidelity and success."

In the mean time, Richard Penn made all possible haste to cross the water, and lay the humble petition, drawn up by Dickinson, at the foot of the throne; but George the Third would not see him. "The king and his cabinet," said Suffolk, "are determined to listen to nothing from the illegal Congress, to treat with the colonies only one by one, and in no event to recognize them in any form of association." By every act, and in the most vehement language, the king "showed his determination to prosecute his measures, and force the deluded Americans into submission." At length,