It requires no authorized supervision of facts or principles to preserve them. It is in their nature to perpetuate themselves. New generations, as they arise, do not determine the influences which shall surround them, nor the point in civilization at which they will commence their own experiments they are themselves, in soul, body, and spirit, the product and embodiment of the past. To, this constitutional provision may be added the influence of recorded and contemporaneous history.

It is thus that we account for the traditional and philosophical forces which operate upon the social order from the vast cycles of the past, amid the dissolutions of time and the decay of nations; and thus that we explain the tedious but ultimately effectual lessons of wisdom which the world learns from the records of folly.

We may therefore understand that time had been allowed for the school of ages, and a notable preparation for the introduction of a new social order was evolved from the chaos. of anarchy and despotism.

Indications of the grand fundamental fact, that the power of government resides in the people, accordingly appeared in the history of Providence and the developments of empirical systems; but the great decisive movement of freedom must bide its time. The impression of its necessity must be profound and pervading before its advent into the scenes of battle through which it must pass and just time enough for this had elapsed, when it appeared to assert its right to dominion over the destinies of men; not immediate, universal dominion, certainly not in its outward forms; for we are not of the number who believe that formal republicanism has any natural or divine right to take forcible possession of the world. And yet we believe fully that its mission is universal. It is to be the visible or invisible animus which shall inhabit the body politic of all the peoples under the sun; and, for precisely the reason that its advance to rank and power must be gradual, it must for ages co-exist with other and antagonist forms.

THE GRAND CRISIS OF HISTORY.

But as the reality of government by the people could not have earlier moved up to its central position among the powers of the earth, so neither could it have been longer delayed without an entire change in the fundamental laws of human progress and incalculable harm to the race. When the combinations began to appear for the organization of the American Republic, there was nothing for dissatisfied intellect to take hold of. All other forms had been tried, and proved wholly unsatisfactory. Without something clearly in advance of former experiments, the action of liberty must have recoiled upon itself; and erratic and irrepressible violence must have crushed the hopes and changed the destinies of millions.

God, who had guided the elements and superintended the preparations of more than five thousand years, knew well the grand crisis in which the hopes of longing, restless minds must pass over to another and more enduring reliance.

Besides, for the great mission of a model Republic, there was none too much time. How much time in the great cycles of the world's future remained, certainly none but Omniscience could tell. We are not, however, of the number convinced by the hypothesis, that we are now in the middle period of the world's history. The rising, towering grandeur of moral ideas and events indicates to us rather the strong probability that the world has not yet passed its vigorous youth; and precisely this is what we mean by the position, that, for the mission of the great model Republic, there was none too much time. During its infancy, not half its power to bless mankind could appear. Immense as are its advantages during the development of its minority, its grand providential task must be accomplished after it reaches its majority.

Not the lofty purposes of government merely, but the rising power of every other force upon which the destiny of

the race depends, indicates a vast sweep of redeeming agencies in the world's future for the realization of the divine idea in the creation and the atonement.

It was evident that some great crisis in history was at hand. Men were in death-struggles as the representatives of the dying past and the oncoming future. There was yet vitality enough in tyranny to make a formidable effort to tighten its grasp of power in England and in America. It was confident of success. It had yet at command a vast enginery of torture and coercion. It could avail itself of ecclesiastical pains and penalties. It had all the advantage of an ancient aristocracy and a splendid hereditary nobility. Its attractions included all the pomp and circumstance of a State-religion, and the gorgeous splendor of courts and courtiers, decorations and crowns. The enormous wealth of ages had accumulated in the coffers of the governing classes. Learning and the arts gathered around the seat of despotic power. A defiant military spirit had emerged from wars with Continental armies. A new energy A new energy had appeared upon the sea. The "invincible Armada" had been scattered to the winds, and England was rising to greatness - as a maritime power. Men of rare gifts had risen up to execute the commands of royalty, while defeated liberty was branded with the crime of regicide.

All this appeared, to bring up to their highest point of insolence the usurpations which insulted and defied the yearnings of the people for freedom. Human nature could endure the suspense no longer. The grand crisis had come.

The life of a new nation had been long waiting for its incarnation. The birth-throes of a century announced its advent. God revealed his attendant guardian-power, and exalted the new-born prince, through its baptisms of blood, to a dominion before unknown in the history of the world.

CHAPTER III.

WAR INDICATES AN HEROIC NATIONAL LIFE.

"For they got not the land in possession by their own sword, neither did their own arm save them; but Thy right hand, and Thine arm, and the light of Thy countenance, because Thou hadst a favor unto them." - Ps. xliv.

If the encroachments of power were to be resisted, who were to do it? There was no king and council or parliament to declare war; to say, "Thus far shalt thou come, and no farther." The people had already said and done enough to show that they felt themselves to be in possession of rights which no power on earth might defy with impunity. They began to feel and act like freemen; like a nation having at least the right and the duty of self-defence. Precisely what it meant they seem not to have inquired; but individuals, towns, colonies, felt the throbbings of a new life. Why should they all feel so much alike? Why should it be just as impossible to enforce stamp-duties in one portion of America as in another? Why should the attempt to land cargoes of tea, the test of the great question of taxation without representation, produce the same uprising of the people, and call out the imperious "No" in Boston and New York and Baltimore and Charleston? Evidently there was a strange unity manifesting itself under the action of Providence. They were a people, a power on earth; and an assault upon the lives of a small number, any number, would show that it was upon all, and that the life of a new nation was here to thrill the souls of the people from Maine to Georgia.

Neither king nor parliament knew what had occurred in America. They thought they were dealing with a few proud

colonists who had been spoiled by indulgence.

They had no idea of the advent of this new national life. They had, however, only to try a simple experiment, and they would find it.

The people of Boston, in the matter of the tea, had been decidedly riotous, and must be punished; otherwise their example would be contagious. They would simply close up the harbor, and remove the seat of government to Salem.

The famous "Boston Port Bill" was designed for this purpose; but, in the hands of Providence, it served simply to show that the right to resist arbitrary government was in the people. An invisible power had made them one. The colonies of Rhode Island, promptly assembling, assured Massachusetts of hearty sympathy, and made the first suggestion of a Continental Congress. Connecticut, in legislature assembled, took similar action. New York, Philadelphia, and Maryland uttered their notes of indignation, and made the cause of Boston their own. The House of Burgesses in Virginia appointed the first day of June, 1774, when the oppressive bill was to go into operation," a day of fasting and prayer." They were promptly dissolved by their royalist governor, Dunmore: but they as promptly re-assembled, and declared that "an attack upon one colony was an attack upon all; threatening ruin to the rights of all, unless repelled by the united wisdom of the whole."

Gage was in Boston, and his ships and materials of war were in the harbor. He came out with full powers, as commander-in-chief and governor, "for better regulating the government of Massachusetts Bay." The acts of despotic power were commenced. Boston was no longer a capital city. The British authorities removed to Salem.

Resistance was everywhere; but who should direct it? The people could not act in mass. They must avail themselves of the representative principle already asserted and firmly established here. Who should take the lead? The brave little State of Rhode Island, where the heroic Williams had