MR. GREELEY AS WHIG AND REPUBLICAN.

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He rushed at once to the office, seizing the opportunity to "beat" the other morning papers, by an "exclusive" extra, sent off for the compositors, who had all gone to bed at their homes; began setting up the matter himself; worked away along with the rest until his exclusive extra was all ready, and then departed contentedly to his own home.

Mr. Greeley had always been a natural abolitionist; but, with most of the Whig party, he had been willing to allow the question of slavery to remain in a secondary position for a long time. He was however a willing, early, vigorous and useful member of the Republican party, when that party became an unavoidable national necessity, as the exponent of Freedom. With that party he labored hard during the Fremont campaign, through the times of the Kansas wars, and for the election of Mr. Lincoln. When the Rebellion broke out he stood by the nation to the best of his ability, and if he gave mistaken counsels at any time, his mistakes were the unavoidable results of his mental organization, and not in the least due to any conscious swerving from principle, either in ethics or in politics.

Mr. Greeley, though frequently named by his friends for political office, has held but one, and that a seat in Congress for a short term, during which he devoted himself to secure the abolition of the franking privilege, and to obtain the passage of a homestead law. He was subsequently prominently brought forward for the office of United States senator, and came within a few votes of receiving the nomination. Still later he was a candidate for Congress and defeated.

Quite unexpectedly to the country, the "Liberal" party, organized in the early part of 1872, at its national convention in Cincinnati placed him in nomination for the presidency, upon a platform pledging reform in the civil service. The acceptance of Mr. Greeley made him a formidable candidate, and the democratic party in convention at Baltimore ratified his nomination and accepted his platform, thus bringing him before the country as the only rival of President Grant.

CHAPTER VIII.

DAVID GLASCOE FARRAGUT.

The Lesson of the Rebellion to Monarchs-The Strength of the United StatesThe U. S. Naval Service-The Last War-State of the Navy in 1861Admiral Farragut Represents the Old Navy and the New-Charlemagne's Physician, Farraguth-The Admiral's Letter about his Family-His BirthHis Cruise with Porter when a Boy of Nine-The Destruction of the EssexFarragut in Peace Times-Expected to go with the South-Refuses, is Threatened, and goes North-The Opening of the Mississippi-The Bay Fight at Mobile-The Admiral's Health-Farragut and the Tobacco Bishop.

THE Course and character and result of the Rebell- A ion taught many a great new lesson; in political morals and in political economy; in international law; in the theory of governing; in the significance of just principles on this earth. Perhaps all those lessons, taught so tremendously to the civilized world, might be summed in one expression; the Astounding Strength of a Christian Republic. For, whichever phase of the Rebellion we examine in considering it as a chapter of novelties in the world's history, we still come back to that one splendid, heart-filling remembrance;-How unexpected, how unbelieved, how inexhaustible, how magnificent beyond all history, the strength of the United States!

"There goes your Model Republic," sneered all the Upper Classes of Europe, "knocked into splinters in the course of one man's life! A good riddance! " And reactionary Europe set instantly to work to league

itself with our own traitors, now that the United States was dead, to bury it effectively. But the Imperial Republic, even more utterly unconscious than its enemies, of what it could suffer and could do, stunned at first and reeling under a blow the most tremendous ever aimed at any government, clung close to Right and Justice, and rising in its own blood, went down wounded as it was, into the thunder and the mingled blinding lightning and darkness of the great conflict, unknowing and unfearing whether life or death was close before. As its day, so was its strength. As the nation's need grew deeper and more desperate, in like measure the nation's courage, the conscious calmness, the unmoved resolution, the knowledge of strength and wealth and power, grew more high and strong, and whereas the world knew that no nation had ever survived such an assault, and knew, it said, that ours would not, lo and behold, the United States achieved things beyond all comparison more unheard of, more wonderful, than even the treasonable explosion for whose deadly catastrophe all the monarchists stood joyfully waiting. They were disappointed. And ever since, they know that if the Rebellion was not the death-toll of Republics, it was the death-toll of many other things, and ever since, all the kings are setting their houses in order.

There were three great national material instrumentalities which the Free Christian People of the United States created in their peril, being the sole means which could have won in the war, and being moreover exactly the means which England and Europe asserted that we were peculiarly unable to create or to use;