will the supporters of this anti-Christian warfare endure their sentence endure their own reflections-endure the fire that forever burns the worm that never dies-the hosannas of heavenwhile the smoke of their torments ascends forever and ever!”

Luther Martin, a distinguished Marylander, was appointed in 1814 Chief Justice of the Oyer and Terminer Court in Baltimore, and, not to be behind others in his denunciations, went out of his way in charging the Grand Jury, and thus addressed them:

"The horrid atrocities of France are proofs that fallen man, for whose restraints governments were created, is a more deformed and debased monster than the beasts of the earth. Wriggling themselves into peace, republicans become demagogues; and republicanism is by no means inseparable from virtue. False philosophy, conceived in hell and nursed by the devil, propagated in Europe all their wretchedness, too extensively introduced into the United States. The American Revolution was completed by men of virtue, morality, and religion; but the sun does not shine on a people who have, since then, so deteriorated in virtue, morality, and religion; their depreciation began with that of paper money, and for twenty years Europe has been spewing on this devoted country an almost unremitting torrent of her filthiest feculency, tainting a mass, become still more rotten. Vainly do we attribute our evils to a violation of sailors' rights or to a weak Government. Providence punishes us for our sins with war, the worst of curses, worse than famine and pestilence. No guilt can be more inexpiable than that of him who, without just cause, plunges a nation into war. In the sight of Heaven such a man will be viewed as the wilful, deliberate murderer of every individual who loses his life in its prosecution, and his soul is stained of every drop of blood thereby. They who add sin to sin with greediness in prosecuting the war with which we are afflicted by an avenging God, are those truly guilty of moral treason. I hold it, gentlemen, as a sound, incontrovertible truth, a truth of which I cannot doubt, that no citizen can more righteously divest himself of his allegiance to his Government, without its consent, than his Government can, without his consent, deprive him of its pro

tection. This truth is formed in the very nature of civil society. The contrary doctrine is the spawn of folly and knavery, whatever wiseacres of modern growth may tell us."

After calling to mind such specimens of instruction from legislative bodies, the bench, and the pulpit, we are prepared for the next step toward practical disunion. The public mind had become measurably prepared for it. The approach was by cautious advances at first, and became more open and bold as it progressed. It would not do to startle the public mind, and arouse it to resistance by a bold and frank avowal of those in high public positions. Their acts and professions were subject to public scrutiny and the calm reflections of men of sober judgment. Clergymen, as they professed a high sanctity and spoke in the name of Heaven, were not subject to such severe and searching criticisms. There was no bar of stern-judging men to whom they were accountable, although the result of their teaching might be equally effective, and more difficult to be counteracted. The younger, and especially the female portion of their auditors -who, when once aroused, are the most uncompromising politicians, with unlimited influence-never hear the other side, or learn the ground upon which it stands. Hence the effect of political preaching. Old politicians learn how to present thoughts that are scarcely seen in their language. They arouse the passions by language of equivocal meaning, often interpreted by look and gesture. Hence, the peculiar language of those calling the Hartford Convention. It is apparent they meant that the majority should yield to the minority, and permit them to rule, or they would secure the means of doing so by defying the Government, and making peace for themselves. When the Massachusetts Legislature convened in the fall of 1814, Governor Strong delivered a message full of violent expressions, denouncing the war and its management. In the Senate it was referred to a committee, of which Harrison Gray Otis was chairman, who made a long report full of philippics against the Democracy, and those representing it in the national Government. The following is an ex

tract:

"It is, therefore, with great concern that your committee are

obliged to dale de marina de de Drastumaira of the United States, der de sinistra. of the persons in powEZ, has failed to secure to this Commvatniss they belire, to the Eastern section of the Taca, those equil rights and beads, which were the objects of its firudia civilth they cannst reling dish without min to themselves and posterity. The gir ances justify, ani reçine vigina persentting, and peastalle exertions to mite those who malize the sufferings and foresee the dangers of the somty in some gson of measures to obtain relief, for which the crimary mode of procuring amendments to the Constitution af ris no reasonable expectation, in season to prevent the completion of its rain. The people, however, possess the means of certain re dress; and when their safety, which is the supreme law, is in question, these means should be promptly applied. The framers of the Constitution male provision to amend defects which were known to be in silent to every human institution; and the provision itself was not less liable to be found defective upon experiment than other parts of the instrument. When this deficiency becomes apparent, no reason can preclude the right of the whole people, who were parties to it, to adopt another; and it is not a presumptuous expectation that a spirit of equity and justice, enlightened by experience, would be able to reconcile conflicting interests, and obviate the principal cause of those dissensions which unit Government for a state of peace or war, and so amend the Constitution as to give vigor and duration to the union of the States. But, as a proposition for such a convention from a single State would probably be unsuccessful, and our danger admits of no delay, it is recommended by the committee that, in the first instance, a conference should be invited between those States, the affinity of whose interests is closest, and whose habits of intercourse, from their local situation and other causes, are most frequent; to the end that by a comparison of their sentiments and views, some mode of defence, suited to the circumstances and exigencies of those States, and measures for accelerating the return of public prosperity, may be devised; and also to enable the delegates from those States, should they deem it expedient, to lay the foundation for a radical reform in the national

compact, by inviting to a future convention a deputation from all the States in the Union."

Resolutions in relation to preparing for a defence of the State were reported. The following relates to calling the convention that eventually assembled at Hartford:

"Resolved, That persons be appointed as delegates from the Legislature, to meet and confer with delegates from the States of New England, or any of them, upon the subjects of their public grievances and concerns, and upon the best means of preserving our resources, and of defence against the enemy, and to devise and suggest for adoption by those respective States such measures as they may deem expedient; and also to take measures, if they shall think proper, for calling a convention of all the United States, in order to revise the Constitution thereof, and more effectually to secure the support and attachment of all the people, by placing all upon the basis of fair representation."

The report was accepted, and resolutions adopted. What did they mean? They declared the Constitution and the provision authorizing amendments so defective as to be incapable of affording relief. Why did they invite only the New England States to be represented? There were Federalists in other States. Why not state the distinct grievance, and propose a specific remedy, instead of covering up their objects in hinting at things in an indistinct manner? Certainly it was no manly way of proclaiming grievances and seeking redress.

The Massachusetts Legislature appointed George Cabot, Harrison Gray Otis, Nathan Dane, Joseph Lyman, and eight others, as delegates to the convention.

In the Connecticut Legislature the proceedings were quite as violent. Goodrich, Hillhouse, and five others, were appointed delegates. Rhode Island, evincing the same spirit, appointed four delegates. No other States appointed delegates. The convention met on the 15th of December, 1814, and set in an upper room for three weeks with locked doors, so as to exclude all outsiders from a full knowledge of their proceedings. The delegates reported to their Legislatures sundry amendments of the Constitution, which they must have known could never be adopted :-to

change the basis of representation, eonfaling is as free persone, so as to diminish the representation of the Smier Sutes in Cogress and in the electoral steget to limb de Frailes to me term: to prok a frigem from billing a bak embargoes to sixty days: to prevent Congress from restring commercial intemorse, admining new Suze, fetlering van se authorizing hostilities, without a vote of twodinis errege in cases of invasion. They shrank from a pollle avowal of the mome edies of which so many lists had been given Mamaciteta and Connecticut, in eonformity with the recommendation of the convention, appointed delegates to proceed to Washington to demand arrangements for the defense and penertise in a manner which it had proposel HL G. Otis, Willem Salivan, and Thomas H. Perkins, were appointed by the firmer, and Calvin Goddard and Nathaniel Terry by the latter State.

The Federal press was in high glee upon what was expected Some declared Mr. Madison must resign, or an explosion was at hand. The commissioners under the Hartford Convention proceeded to Washington; but the splendor of the battle of New Orleans dazzled their vision and blinded them, and the treaty of peace showed that "Othello's occupation was gone.” At Washington they seldom showed themselves to the public, nor did they exhibit their credentials to anybody, or demand anything, but in the most quiet way returned home; and we are not aware that they ever made official report, to the bodies appointing them, of how they performed their responsible and arduous duties. Ridicule and contempt have covered them with a mantle, which neither time nor all their efforts have been able to remove. The members of the convention put forth a large number of explanations of their motives and acts, but so conflicting in statement, that no one was credited. When, years afterward, its journal was published, it was so meagre as not to throw light upon any point. When individuals made their several explanations, they never agreed. The proceedings do not furnish any means of understanding the real wishes and intentions of those assembled. They were instituted and commenced with a dauntless courage; but, knowing that all rested upon a false and