studied law, was soon admitted, and commenced practice. The characteristics of the boy were shown in the man, at the bar and in all public matters. In whatever he was engaged, his knowledge was found clear and accurate, and his judgment sound. He reasoned from the fitness of things rather than from comparison. His first question was, not whether a measure would be popular, but whether it was right and just; and if so, he never hesitated in action. He married in Kentucky, where, as Governor Crittenden once told the writer there was not one woman mean enough to marry a coward.

His close application to his studies so far impaired his health, that, in 1845, he went with a party of hunters and trappers to the Rocky Mountains for its improvement. The next year, on the breaking out of the Mexican war, he joined the army under Doniphan and Kearney, and served as a private, greatly assisting the latter in establishing and carrying on a temporary government of New Mexico. Out-door life in the dry and rainless climate of New Mexico restored him to sound health, and in 1847 he returned to St. Louis, and resumed the practice of his profession with zeal, energy and success.

In 1848, a new question arose in political affairs, involving the extension of slavery into our territories. He took decided ground in favor of restriction, and made public speeches to sustain and enforce his views. This identified him with the Free-soil party, with which he continued to act while it existed. In 1852, he was elected as a Free-soiler from the county of St. Louis to the State Legislature, and was reëlected in 1854, when a portion of the Free-soil ticket failed. In 1856, he was elected to Congress from the St. Louis district, over Mr. Kennett, who had defeated Colonel Benton two years before. In Congress, Mr. Blair soon became distinguished for his knowledge, tact and independence. He proposed, in 1857, the colonization of our colored population in a congenial climate in Central America, and sustained his proposition in an elaborate speech.

At an early day, Mr. Blair became distinguished as a writer for the public press. On one occasion, when his father was absent from Washington for some weeks, he had principal charge of the

old Globe, and his articles on the Ashburton treaty were read with great interest and admiration. After removing to St. Louis, he became a writer for the Democrat, and at one time was its editor, wielding a very extensive and salutary influence. This was a natural consequence of his great intelligence and his outspoken and fearless independence manifested upon all suitable occasions.

Mr. Blair was elected to the thirty-seventh Congress, and served as chairman of the committee on military affairs. When Mr. Lincoln was nominated for the presidency Mr. Blair sustained him, delivering a speech in Brooklyn in favor of his election. In December, 1860, after the first secession movements in South Carolina, the United States had at St. Louis 75,000 stand of arms, and a million dollars worth of ammunition, which were in danger of falling into secession hands, having been singularly cared for under Floyd, then Secretary of War. Mr. Blair had sufficient power and influence to organize an armed force to protect this property, and hold it for the Union. At a subsequent period, he captured the State forces at Camp Jackson, with the aid of the same organization. It is now conceded, that these two acts saved Missouri from being carried away by the dashing tide of secession. Much of this was done at Mr. Blair's own expense. None but an unflinching, bold and patriotic man, who commanded the respect of the people, could have accomplished it. It is such self-sacrificing acts that the people admire and wish to see rewarded on all suitable occasions. In June, 1861, he delivered an address at the Metropolitan Hotel in New York, urging vigorous war measures, in which he expressed doubts as to General Scott's activity as a campaigner. Returning home, Mr. Blair became very active in raising volunteers in St. Louis, and was himself the first volunteer in the State of Missouri. He raised the First Regiment of Missouri Volunteers, and acted as colonel, though not commissioned. General Fremont, whom he had once supported for the presidency, was placed in command in Missouri. Fremont, instead of acting like a sensible and prudent military commander, assumed to rule the State, regardless of the rights and privileges of others, and brooking no criticisms upon his acts, and spurning all advice. Colonel Blair's friendly suggestions, calculated to keep Fremont from the

mistakes and blunders he committed, led to a difficulty between them, and Colonel Blair was most unjustly placed in arrest by him. Such an arbitrary measure aroused the people of St. Louis, where the colonel was known and beloved, and the public journals expressed their opinion freely against the commanding general. In September, 1861, President Lincoln ordered Colonel Blair's release, much to the joy of the citizens of St. Louis, and to the great annoyance of Fremont. General Fremont again caused his arrest, but the denunciation of the act by the press and the people soon caused his release. Colonel Blair now rose rapidly as a soldier, fulfilling the prediction of General Jackson, while he was playing on his knee as a child, that he would become a skillful general and superior commander, when his country should need his services. He was soon commissioned a general, and then a major-general, and devoted himself mainly to serving in the army until the close of the war. He commanded a division in General Sherman's attack on Vicksburgh, on the 22d of May, 1862. His division was composed of the brigades of Ewing, Smith and Kirby Smith. General Blair led the attack in person. It was terrific, and although five batteries concentrated their guns on the position of the rebels, the attack was repulsed. Had General Grant, as he ought to have done, placed his supporting division within a reasonable distance, this attack would have proved a success. When Vicksburgh was finally taken, General Blair's division participated and did the heaviest fighting in Sherman's command. It was on this occasion that General Grant declared, "Frank Blair is the best volunteer general in the United States Army," which was reiterated by General Sherman. This opinion was sustained by his conduct in action, and his sound judgment manifested on all occasions. While engaged in active service, General Blair was elected to the thirtyeighth Congress, and took his scat, but soon resigned to resume his command in the army. He preferred as more useful the real army combats, to the talking fights in Congress. The great army march of the age was undertaken and executed by General Sherman. He swept from the interior south to the sea, prostrating and subduing everything before and near him. Among the army corps selected by him for this arduous service, was the seventeenth,

commanded by General Blair. This was deemed the finest corps in the whole army, made so by the activity, skill and energy of its commander, aided by those serving under him. He crossed the Ogeechee near Barton, and captured the first prisoners. His divi sion laid pontoons across the river, and the two wings of the army army became united before Savannah. His division was the first to enter that city. From Savannah the fourteenth corps was taken by water to Pocotaligo, whence it threatened Charleston, while Slocum, with the twentieth corps and Kilpatrick's cavalry, marched up the Augusta to Sister Ferry, threatening an advance on Savannah at Tallahatchie. General Blair waded through a swamp three miles wide, with water some feet deep, when the weather was bitter cold. Here the seventeenth corps had another fight and lost a number of killed and wounded, but drove the rebels behind the Edisto at Branchville. The army then directed its march on Orangeburgh. Here the seventeenth carried the bridge over the South Edisto by a gallant dash, General Blair leading his men, as usual, up to the battery's mouth, which was covered by a parapet of cotton and earth, extending as for as could be seen.

General Blair threw General Smith's division in front, while his other division crossed below and carried the bridge after a hard fight. A half dozen men of General Blair's corps were the first to enter Columbia. But the Seventeenth corps were not guilty, as has been charged, of burning that city. At the battle of Bentonville, N. C., on the march up to Richmond, the Seventeenth Corps were engaged heavily. We will close our account of General Blair's military career by saying that he fulfilled every duty, and the highest expectations of his friends. His deportment was such as not to excite envy, while it commanded the esteem of the officers, and secured the affections of the soldiers. It is those who served with him, and who saw and best knew what he did, who have caused his nomination for the Vice-Presidency.

General Blair's political principles are those of General Jackson, Col. Benton, and Silas Wright. These patriotic statesmen have. been his political standards in civil and military life. He believes that the Constitution of the United States is, like the reserved State rights under it, sacred and not to be violated with impunity under

any pretence. He holds that powers not conferred upon the Federal Government by the Constitution cannot be rightly exercised by either branch of the Government. He has shown us by his example, that, when insurrection and rebellion occur, every man owes his country the duty of repressing them at the hazard of his life. When the war is over and the Constitution vindicated, and those in arms against the Government have laid them down in good faith, he believes that then the erring states should be received back into our family of states and treated as equals. He has nothing to conceal, and will never seek a vote by resort to false pretences or double dealing. When his name went before the nominating convention, his sailing chart was laid before it. In a published letter, he said:

"If the President elected by the Democracy enforces, or permits others to enforce, these Reconstruction acts, the Radicals, by the accession of twenty spurious Senators and fifty Representatives, will control both branches of Congress, and his Administration will be as powerless as the present one of Mr. Johnson.

"There is but one way to restore the Government and the Constitution, and that is for the President elect to declare these acts null and void, compel the army to undo its usurpations at the South, disperse the carpet-bag State Governments, allow the white people to re-organize their own governments, and elect Senators and Representatives. The House of Representatives will contain a majority of Democrats from the North, and they will admit the Representatives elected by the white people of the South, and with the co-operation of the President, it will not be difficult to compel the Senate to submit once more to the obligations of the Constitution. It will not be able to withstand the public judgment, if distinctly invoked and clearly expressed, on this fundamental issue; and it is the sure way to avoid all future strife to put this issue plainly to the country.

"I repeat that this is the real and only question which we should allow to control us: Shall we submit to the usurpations by which the Government has been overthrown, or shall we exert ourselves for its full and complete restoration? It is idle to talk of bonds, greenbacks, gold, the public faith, and the public credit. What can