ing and telling stories to amuse others. He was kind-hearted, and more popular with juries than judges, being more inclined to make pithy and attractive remarks than to study and discuss the profound logic of the law. His illustrations were mainly by telling striking anecdotes and stories he had heard, or conjured up for the occasion. He was neither polished in manners nor conversation. He pleased many from his quaintness and unpretending manner. In principle, he was thoroughly anti-Democratic, and believed in and practised upon the theory that the Government was a machine to be run for the advantage of the favored classes, as shown in his defence of internal improvements by the national Government, and advocacy of a tariff for protection, and his assenting to the crude abominations of the Internal Revenue Bill. But he was far more Democratic in some things than those now controlling the destinies of the nation in Congress, who have ignored much that he did and proposed, and are setting up their will to guide the destinies of the nation, instead of following and carrying out the commands of the Federal Constitution.

The administration of Mr. Lincoln was so crowded with events that we shall present them under different heads, instead of giving a long article upon the subject, and for portions of which he may possibly not be responsible, although at the head of the Government.

102.-MR. LINCOLN ON HIS WAY TO WASHINGTON.

On the 11th of February, 1861, Mr. Lincoln left Springfield for Washington, and on his way made several addresses to the people. At Cincinnati, referring to how the Kentuckians should be treated, he said: "We mean to treat you, as near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere with your institutions; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution.... We mean to remember that you are as good as wethat there is no difference between us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms, as other people, or as we claim to have, and to treat you accordingly."

At Columbus he said: "It is a consoling circumstance, that when we look out, there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon political questions, but nobody is suffering any thing."

At Steubenville he said: "I believe the devotion to the Constitution is equally great on both sides of the river [Ohio]. It is only the different understanding of that instrument that causes difficulty. The dispute is, 'What are our rights?""

At Pittsburg he said: "There is really no crisis, except an artificial one, such a one as may be gotten up at any time by turbulent men, aided by designing politicians." He spoke of a protective tariff, and that he was in favor of "adequate protection being extended to the coal and iron of Pennsylvania and the corn of Illinois."

At Cleveland he said: "I think there is no occasion for any excitement. The crisis, as it is called, is altogether an artificial crisis. . . . It has no foundation in fact. It was argued up,' as the saying is, and cannot be argued down. Let it alone, and it will go down itself."

These extracts show that at that time he thought there was no danger of a serious character, and that the only disturbing element was upon the proper construction of the Constitution, involving rights claimed under it. He thought, if let alone, the excitement which had been raised up by argument alone, would go down of itself. In theory he was right. In this respect, his fears were less than those of Mr. Buchanan. If the difficulties, as they then stood, had been let alone, and no fuel added to increase the flames, they would soon have died out. Standing, unaided and alone, South Carolina, which had passed a secession ordinance on the 20th of December, 1860, could have accomplished nothing, and must have abandoned her insane and childish attempt to sustain herself alone out of the Union. The world would have laughed at her as a disobedient, rebellious child, whose greatest punishment would be in letting her alone until reason and sound sense should compel her to cling to the old national family with more wisdom and in better temper, as anticipated by Mr. Buchanan. But other States, ere long, joined South Carolina, and eventually the

whole South went with her. They were encouraged to do this by neither division of the Democratic party. On the 12th of November, 1860, in an address to the Democrats, the writer, after denouncing secession and predicting the futility of its purposes and final defeat, said:

"We now see what divisions and false issues have done, and can do. Let us from this hour devote ourselves to organizing upon the great issue of equal rights of the States and of the people of each. Let us invoke our friends to abandon all collateral and immaterial issues, and concentrate on this great and controlling one. The majority of our countrymen are with us upon it, and will rally under our standard, and success is certain. The Federal and State Governments will pass from the hands of our enemies to ours, and we can redress all wrongs and restore peace and harmony to the Union and every part of it. The Democracy can do much in calling conventions and solemnly invoking the sense and justice of the people, and inducing organization and concerted action, and by making individual appeals to the friends of the Union. Our Democratic friends in the several States should obliterate divisions and join in the good work. Every Democrat has a duty resting upon him, and should perform it. He should appeal to the sense of justice of those who have erred, as brother does to brother. Success will follow such efforts. Let us begin the good work now, and persevere to the end. Let us now pledge ourselves to one another, and to the country, to be faithful and vigilant. Let us call upon high Heaven to witness our vow, that we devote ourselves to the good work; that we pledge 'our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor' to use every exertion possible to protect the equal and just rights of all parts of the Union-of every State and citizen-to protect the Constitution and Union by all rightful means while God shall let us live."

The Democracy adopted and sustained these views. But the abolition Republicans of the North and secessionists of the South had their respective plans, all tending to the same point from different directions, so managed as to defeat the expectations of this appeal. Mr. Lincoln had told the people he would proclaim his views on the 4th of March. His inaugural address, after under

going the manipulation of those who had proclaimed that slavery should be put down at every hazard, contained nothing to repress, but much to increase, the excitement at the South, and multiply our difficulties, as that document will show. Its avowals were calculated to band together the dissatisfied States that had taken steps to leave the Union, and form a new one, and secure among them concerted action. Mr. Lincoln had said that the excitement grew out of difference of opinion concerning the Constitution, and he soon showed a determination to fight down opinions opposed to his own.

103.-MR. LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.

Mr. Lincoln's inaugural contained the following, which, standing alone, would have been satisfactory to the South, if fairly carried out in practice:

"Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States, that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace, and personal security, are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that 'I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and have no inclination to do so.' Those who nominated and elected me did so with a full knowledge that I have made this, and many similar declarations, and have never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as law to themselves and me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

666 Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and

we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.' I now reiterate these sentiments."

He further stated:

"It follows from these views, that no State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union; and that acts of violence, within any State or States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary, or revolutionary, according to circumstances.

"This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dismember and overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended.

"One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured."

These extracts exhibit pledges made before election which are inconsistent with much said during the canvass, and which have been doubly violated by subsequent practice. The Republican party, and Mr. Lincoln himself, have acted the exact reverse of their professions. Why this reference to the right of revolution? Why tell the country that the annoyances suffered by the South concerning slavery cannot be cured? Why omit to point out necessary amendments to the Constitution to avoid the admitted evils? Why hold out no hope to the excited South except in revolution? Why, in organizing his administration, did he treat eleven Southern States as if they formed no portion of the Union? Why fill his Cabinet almost exclusively with open enemies of the