was sworn into office the fires of secession were decreasing, and would have died out but for the attack upon Fort Sumter, which was made for the purpose of keeping the war-spirit alive in the South, and of arousing it at the North, both of which it accomplished. Mr. Buchanan did not desire war, but the South and Mr. Lincoln, or at least his controlling friends, did. His policy would have avoided it, while theirs would precipitate it. He said to the writer in substance: "When blood is drawn men cease to reason, and blows must follow, but delay cools the passion and usually ends in peace." His policy was not understood by the public. Had it been pursued the South could never have made common cause against the North, nor would general secessions or war have followed. It is convenient for those whose acts will not bear the test of strict scrutiny to attempt to turn attention from themselves by charges of wrong against others, and especially when so situated that their defence cannot reach the common ear. Mr. Buchanan's real record, in relation to secession and the war, challenges scrutiny, and when honestly and thoroughly made will prove him a wise and safe counsellor.

The charge often made, and as often denied, that he permitted Mr. Toucey, as Secretary of the Navy, so to dispose of our naval vessels as to enable the rebels to profit by it, has been disproved by the oath of Mr. Toucey before a Republican committee of the Senate, and the charge abandoned as a slander.

Massachusetts spoke the then common voice, on the 18th of January, 1861, when the Senate of that State passed a series of resolves by a unanimous vote, which were soon after concurred in by the House, of which the following is one:

"Resolved, That the Legislature of Massachusetts, now, as always, convinced of the inestimable value of the Union, and the necessity of preserving its blessings to ourselves and our posterity, regard with unmingled satisfaction the determination evinced in the recent firm and patriotic special message of the President of the United States [Mr. Buchanan] to amply and ably discharge his constitutional duty of enforcing the laws and preserving the integrity of the Union, and we proffer to him, through the Governor of the Commonwealth, such aid in men and in money

as he may require to maintain the authority of the General Government.*

During Mr. Buchanan's administration, Colorado, Nevada, and Dakota, were organized as Territories. Other measures of an important character were adopted, but we have not space to enumerate them. It has been our purpose, as far as our space would permit, to do Mr. Buchanan justice. The general publications of the day have not done this, if it were even their intention to do so. His own political friends have not fully understood his acts or policy, and have too readily assented to the assumptions of his political enemies. In our judgment his name will occupy a high place in the history of our country.

100.—THE TYRANNY OF MAJORITIES IN CONGRESS.

The two Houses of Congress were established by the Constitution as deliberative bodies to discuss, deliberate, and determine questions involving the interests of the American people under that instrument. The right to assemble in public meetings, and to petition for the redress of grievances, was provided by an amendment of the Constitution, substantially agreed upon before this great charter was assented to. The freedom of speech and of the press, contained in it, had a like origin. The honor of the nation requires that every question involving the powers and duties of the Government and the rights of the people, should be open to free discussion in Congress, where they are acted upon. Every question has two sides, a strong and a weak one, which are only ascertained by free discussion and an honest and fair interchange of opinions, and the reasons upon which they are founded. It never entered the mind of the framers of the Constitution, that a bill could be presented to Congress and, without discussion, forced to a vote, without any consideration whatever. Such a course is in violation of the implied, if not express, privileges of legislative bodies, and of the rights of their constituents. We remember, when dis

This important fact we take from the volume of the Hon. George Lunt, entitled "The Origin of the Late War." We are largely indebted to this book for many important facts, and consider it one of the most reliable works on that subject, and hope it may find a place in every household.

cussion on a bill was refused, and the yeas and nays denied, which General Jackson vetoed, and, on reflection, not a member of either House then thought him wrong, and no attempt was made to pass the bill over his veto. This shows the importance of full discussion. The House of Representatives have now two rules which violate full and free discussion-the hour rule, confining members to one hour in their discussions upon a bill-sometimes to five minutes-and the previous question, which cuts off all debate—in other words, the congressional gag law. The one-hour rule often prevents a full presentation of the matters under consideration, and frequently cuts off those who are alone competent to discuss the questions involved. Of the many who talk, few really throw light upon the subject under discussion. The "previous question" prohibits all discussion, if sustained by a majority. By it, a deliberative body, created to discuss questions, becomes mute and cannot assign reasons for or against the bill. The country is left in ignorance of the reasons for the votes for and against the measure involved. The previous question means, "drop all questions, and go back to the one whether the bill shall pass or not." Since the Republicans have had control in the House of Representatives, a large number of bills of the highest, and some of vital importance, have passed the House under the operation of the previous question, and sometimes without a word being spoken on either side. Compelling members to vote under such circumstances, is tyranny as to them, and worse than tyranny against the people who are expected to obey laws when they cannot learn why they were proposed or passed. This is in violation of the first principles of Democracy. It has never been a rule of the Senate, showing that it need not be of the House. This tyranny has so far extended itself, that the minority in the House of Representatives have felt bound to protest against it, when prevented from discussing the questions involved in the impeachment of President Johnson. Never since our Government was formed has the tyranny of majorities been exercised to the same extent as at present. Matters formerly considered undoubted rights, are now treated as favors, and generally refused. The privileges which the majority permit or refuse, are usually determined by the vote of

a secret caucus of members, in which Senators often exercise a controlling influence. The minority in the House are now more enslaved than Southern negroes ever were, whose mouths never felt the gag. There will never be real freedom and independence in this country until this tyranny-never attempted against us by the mother country-shall be effectually ended.

101.-ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

The true character of Mr. Lincoln will be written fifty or a hundred years hence. Fanatic impressions will give place to knowledge. Those who approve his principles and acts seek to make him a second Washington-greater than any President, except the Father of his country, and free from speck or blemish; while those who approve of neither will assign him a subordinate position, among the lowest occupied by any chosen President. A few unquestionable facts connected with him will be referred to, leaving impartial history to set all things right.

He was born in Kentucky, February 12, 1809. His education was limited. During the Black Hawk War, in 1832, he became captain of a volunteer company in Illinois, and served three months; then run for the State Legislature, and was beaten. He then opened a country store, but did not succeed well as a trader. He was appointed postmaster at New Salem, and began the study of the law, and was admitted to practice in 1836, and settled in Springfield in 1837. In 1834, '36, '38, and '40, he was elected to the State Legislature as a Whig. In 1846 he was elected to Congress, and served two years, and made three speeches. In the first, he attempted to show that our Government was wrong in claiming the Rio Grande as the western boundary of Texas, and that the ground on which General Taylor won his first two victories belonged to Mexico. In this speech, as between us and Mexico, he occupied grounds similar to those assumed by the Federalists as between us and Great Britain. The object of this speech was to disparage President Polk, and to convict our Government of being in the wrong and the aggressor against Mexico. His second was principally occupied in assailing a message of President Polk, giving the reasons why he had not signed the Harbor and

River Improvement Bill sent to him near the close of the previous session, and in trying to uphold the exploded internal improvement doctrine of Mr. Adams. His third speech, made after the nominations of Taylor and Cass for the presidency, was devoted to lauding the former and condemning the latter. In 1849 he sought to be made United States Senator, but was defeated by General Shields. In 1858 he sought the same office, but was defeated by Mr. Douglas. It was during this last canvass that Mr. Lincoln, in reply to questions put him, said, "I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive-Slave Law. I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission of any more slave States into the Union. I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union with such a constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make. I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the slave-trade between the different States."

Among the resolutions adopted by the Chicago Convention, which nominated him for the presidency, is the following: "4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion, by armed force, of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes."

The radical Republicans who profess to be carrying out the sentiments of Mr. Lincoln, and the principles upon which he was elected, will find it difficult to reconcile their action with these declarations which the public looked upon as forming a portion of the Republican creed.

Mr. Lincoln was elected President, and Hannibal Hamlin VicePresident in 1860, and reëlected with Andrew Johnson, VicePresident, in 1864, and was basely assassinated on the 14th of April, in a theatre in Washington, by J. Wilkes Booth.

Mr Lincoln was a tall, loosely-built man, with long features, dark hair, and brown eyes, not over-industrious, but fond of talk