more, of New York, was elected on the same ticket with him as Vice-President. In forming his Cabinet, General Taylor selected. Whigs (although he had claimed to be a no-party man), some of whom were able and experienced, and some far otherwise. He was pledged against removals from office on political grounds, and to remove none without a hearing. In the first month he was in office, he refused to make a vacancy, except on charges, for a friend of the Vice-President, and on the latter's application. Only a few months elapsed before removals on political grounds were of daily occurrence, and apparently without consultation with him. He knew his want of qualifications for civil officeoften spoke of it to the writer, and expressed his regret that he ever consented to run for the presidency-saying that Mr. Clay ought to have been in his place. He was a confiding man, and freely trusted his friends. He had never seen one of his Cabinet before the time of their appointment-so he said, and often felt the want of old tried friends about him, although he had full confidence in the ability and integrity of his Cabinet. His want of knowledge in the affairs of civil government, and his inaptitude in learning them, greatly embarrassed him, and instead of being a Taylor administration, it was soon a Cabinet-officer affair, in part very able, and continued so until his death, sixteen months after he was sworn into office.

A defect in his speech greatly embarrassed him on many occasions. But his sincerity and sterling honesty rendered him a favorite with those who knew him intimately. He delivered but one message, and in that he came out firmly against disunion. Whether he did right or wrong, he meant right, but in political matters he was so unskilled that he did not readily comprehend their meaning, or the results that would naturally flow from them. He was a Whig, and had full faith in the Whig leaders, but the consequences to result from the practical application of their principles to the business and affairs of the world he did not understand. From habit, he had taken whatever the Whig leaders said as literally true. He trusted their judgment without being at the trouble of exercising his own. He believed the Democrats were wrong, because those in whom he confided said so, and not

He

because of any personal knowledge or scrutiny by him. trusted others, as others trusted him in military affairs which he understood. His natural impulses were in the direction of equal rights of mankind, but his confidence in others led him to ignore such ideas in practice, and he went with those who believe in class legislation, which confers advantages on one class by taking them from another. This made him an anti-Democrat in practice. Of himself, he had no policy to propose or carry out. He received impressions from others, but impressed no one in return. His administration terminated so soon after its commencement, and contained so little that has passed into history, that not much can be said for or against it. But of him it can be said that he was a good man, with honest intentions. As a military man he had done good service, and practised rational economy. He rendered the same service for half the expense that some others occasioned Government. President Polk often said this to the writer.

94.-MILLARD FILLMORE AND HIS ADMINISTRATION.

Mr. Fillmore was born in Cayuga County, N. Y., on the 7th of January, 1800. He received very little education during his minority, but learned the occupation of a clothier. At the age of nineteen he resolved to become a lawyer. His abilities, energy, and industry, were equal to the undertaking. Having devoted his leisure to the acquirement of an education, he became qualified, and taught school days, and read law mornings and evenings. His mind was well-balanced, and his careful and accurate study soon made him a good lawyer, and, when admitted, business soon came to him. He was not remarkably quick, but industrious and thoughtful, and he prepared his cases with great care and judgment. He never omitted any thing that ought to be done. His thorough preparations enabled him to discover the strong and weak points of his adversary. The whole case on both sides was committed to paper before he went into court, which made trials comparatively easy. In these preparations lay the secret of his success. It would be fortunate for clients and useful to many lawyers if they would follow Mr. Fillmore in pre

paring their causes, which would greatly lessen the labors of courts and juries.

In 1828, soon after his admission as an attorney, he was elected a member of the Assembly by the anti-Masons, and was twice reëlected. In 1832 he was elected to Congress as an antiJackson man, and served one term. After an interval of two years he was again elected, and twice reëlected. In Congress his talents, industry, and business capacity led to his occupying the highest places on committees. The reputation he won during his service in Congress led to his nomination and election as VicePresident. On the death of General Taylor he succeeded to the presidency.

Soon after becoming President, Mr. Fillmore formed a new Cabinet, all Whigs. Few great events occurred during his administration. But the seeds of disunion previously sown began to germinate, and they have since grown and produced fruit as deadly and fatal as the fabled upas-tree. These seeds were first sown on the purchase and on the admission of Louisiana and Missouri, in the movements of the abolitionists and nullifiers, in the proceedings in Congress concerning our Mexican acquisitions, and on the question of the extension of the Missouri Compromise. These matters became the subject of much feeling with a very considerable portion of the people, both North and South. The Free-Soil party sprang from them, and weakened and often dissevered party ties. Abolition and secession fed upon these difficulties, while the patriot mourned over them. Attempts were made in Congress to remedy existing difficulties. This produced a series of measures in 1850, called the Compromise. These consisted of acts concerning Texas and the organization of the Territory of New Mexico, the admission of California, establishing a territorial government in Utah, and to suppress the slave-trade in the District of Columbia, and the Fugitive-Slave Act. The latter Act was exceedingly distasteful to the abolitionists of the North, and the others contained provisions which were strongly objected to by the South. Each of these measures received the approval of Mr. Fillmore. Hopeful men believed that they constituted a lasting compromise, and that the

slavery agitation was finally ended. This hope proved a delusion. The severity of the Fugitive-Slave Law, intentionally made worse by Southern manipulation to prevent its passing at all, provoked the abolitionists to renewed and greater exertions to arouse the public mind against slavery, and many States passed laws intended to cripple and defeat its execution.. The South was not behind in the effort to arouse the public mind and prepare it for a conflict. The Kansas troubles followed, and the whole ended in the recent civil war and in the practical destruction of the Union, with a majority in both Houses of Congress claiming that ten States have been reduced to conquered colonies for which they are enacting laws to be enforced by the military with the bayonet.

We cannot affirm that Mr. Fillmore is responsible for any of the consequences which have flowed from these small beginnings, and clearly not if he had anticipated their magnitude. But the Whig party, of which he was the ostensible head, are unquestionably responsible. At the North they encouraged, courted, and fraternized with the abolitionists, and finally amalgamated with and were absorbed by them. From pure white, they became shaded and grew darker and darker, until they became of the abolition hue, and were found worshipping at the African shrine. At the South, the Whig party, first warmed at the secession fires, became more and more heated, then became friendly to secession, then loved, and then adored it, and finally exploded with it. There were noble exceptions both North and South, showing that, in the struggle for party ascendency, some have soared above the common motive, and entitled themselves to the appellation of constitutional patriots. But their numbers are limited.

Had the leaders of the Whig party continued their fidelity to the principles of that party and confined themselves to its usages, secession would never have arisen, nor the country been involved in civil war. There was scarcely a spot North where abolition by itself could carry an election for any thing, or in the South where a candidate ran as a secessionist. The contests were between Democrats and Whigs, and their common enemies seldom fought in their own name. Democratic principles were generally the most popular and best received, resulting in success a large por

tion of the time. Under these circumstances the Whig leaders became restive, and impatient for success. This could only be secured by bringing their party and the abolitionists at the North and secessionists at the South together as one party. The abolitionists and secessionists would not consent to be wiped-blotted -out, and hence the Whigs must abandon their organization and come to them. This was done, and the consequences are upon the country. The calamitous state of things which all good men deplore is the natural result of a want of fidelity to its principles by the Whig party. Probably no one more sincerely regrets the present state of things than Mr. Fillmore, who is undoubtedly truly patriotic and loves the Union, and feels for those who compose it. If any fault attaches to him, it is in not sufficiently resisting the effort of bad men to control the Whig party. He can hardly have forgotten that he was victimized and deprived of a nomination for the presidency in 1852 by this class of unprincipled men, one of whom was the most active in killing off the Whig party, and now stands next the throne faithful to nothing but his devotion to self-interest.

In person, manners, and conversation, Mr. Fillmore is pleasing and amiable. In all he says, there is a vein of truthful sincerity which insures confidence. He is kind-hearted and generous, and most firm in the performance of what he believes to be his duty. He is in very easy circumstances, but he practises an exemplary economy. He dispenses a cheerful and generous hospitality, devoting much time to reading and study. At the age of sixtyeight he enjoys robust health, in the good city of Buffalo. We understand that he openly repudiates Republicanism, and joined with the Democrats in defence of the Constitution and in putting down those who are trampling it under foot-a glorious work for his ripe old age.

95.-JOHN BROWN AT HARPER'S FERRY.

In former times, when words were used to communicate the thoughts of men, a martyr was a person who suffered death or persecution on account of his belief; and a murderer was one who deliberately and intentionally took the life of a human being