if not criminal. He therefore lent his best energies to sustain our side of the conflict, never doubting the final result.

In his intercourse with men he is frank and manly, never misleading any one concerning his views, having nothing to conceal. Those who know him best love him most. In the community where he resides, his interests harmonize with those of his neighbors. Although he practises economy, he is not greedy for wealth, either on its own account or for the distinction it often confers. The poor are not turned away starving, nor the orphan unprotected. He is proud of being a life-long Democrat. He learned the principles when young, and personally fought, to sustain them, in the War of 1812, when Federalists mourned over our victories, because defeats would be more likely to overthrow Madison and bring them into power. He is opposed to all classlegislation, and to using the Government, State or national, as the means of making one class rich and keeping another poor. It is one of his theories, that the less mankind are governed, the better for them. He believes the true object of government is to protect men in their person, character, and property, and then leave them to work out their own happiness in their own way. There can be no common standard of happiness, as men's enjoyments differ as much as their features. Government cannot bring all to the same standard, if it desired to do so. But each individual will fix his own, and endeavor to arrive at it. Mr. Redfield bas ever believed he should be allowed to do so.

89.-CONGRESS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE EXTRAVAGANCE OF THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.

Abuses in Government seem to be self-multiplying and enduring. It can now be proved in a court of justice that the unconstitutional expenses of the national Government, as that instrument was construed by Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson, exceed the whole expenses incurred by it in General Jackson's time before nullification and the Indian wars. Now the " deficiency bills alone usually equal the whole expenses of those days. The extent of these expenditures depends upon the appropriations made by Congress. It is the Legislative branch that determines

for what purposes, and to what extent, public money shall be spent. It creates the offices, fixes the compensation, and what shall be done that requires money to do it. The Executive branch is only responsible for good faith and reasonable prudence in executing the laws as it finds them in the statute-book.

We will refer to some of these expenditures, which have no warrant in the Constitution, that our readers may understand where, how, and for what the public money goes:

1. The Freedmen's Bureau has been created without constitutional authority. It feeds, clothes, doctors, transports from place to place, and educates and makes bargains for negroes who are claimed to be citizens of the United States, entitled and qualified to vote and participate in the affairs of the State and national Government, while some claim that they are, in fact, superior to the white race. In other words, for the first time citizenship is sought to be based upon pauperism. No one has ever doubted that it would be unconstitutional to do these things for white citizens. The purposes for which taxes may be imposed do not include these things, or any of a similar character. The Republicans seek to confer on these negroes the right of suffrage, so that they may control the State elections where they reside, as well as that of the presidency. If they are competent to do this, they must be capable of feeding, clothing, doctoring, travelling from place to place, and of paying their own expenses and making bargains for themselves. Both assumptions cannot be true. Either the negroes are capable of taking care of themselves, or they are not competent to vote and participate in political affairs. This bureau swallows up from twelve to fifteen millions of dollars a year, and indirectly costs considerably more than a hundred millions a year.

2. The Reconstruction Acts, now being executed by officers of the army, aided by many thousands of soldiers, are undoubtedly unconstitutional, and, if for no other reason, because the States already exist under statutes of Congress which are unrepealed, and have organized governments of their own, of which Congress has no power to deprive them. Congress has no more authority to interfere with the affairs of these States than they have in those

of other States. If they had the power to do so, the army is not needed for any such purpose. Congress is authorized to raise and support armies, but only for the purpose of common defence—to repel invasion, and to quell insurrection-but not to participate in the management of civil government. No army was ever engaged, under the authority of Congress, in any such duty before the present time. These military men have spent and will spend, in the performance of unconstitutional duties, immense sums of money. They, in fact, are destroying that Union which all good men so much desire to save.

3. The expenses of the army engaged in this unauthorized service, in one form and another, must amount to more than the expenses of the whole national Government within the recollection of the writer. The Government has no power to keep on foot an army to control the affairs of our citizens, and, least of all, to influence political affairs.

4. At the last presidential election thousands upon thousands of soldiers and officers were permitted to leave the army and return home to vote, but scarcely one was allowed to do so who was not known or understood to be a Republican. Those who were Republicans were taken home in immense numbers and brought back at the expense of the Government, through the machinery of the War Department, controlled by Mr. Stanton. This proceeding not only endangered our armies, and produced discontent with those who were allowed no such privilege, but it occasioned an enormous expense. President Lincoln and his Cabinet were parties to this illegal proceeding, contrived and carried out to secure the success of the Republican ticket.

5. The large sums spent in establishing and putting in operation the nearly two thousand national banks were without any warrant in the Constitution. These expenses, direct and indirect, must amount to over two millions of dollars, and will be followed by large annual drains upon the Treasury.

6. Formerly the Post-Office Department was self-sustaining, but now calls for some twenty millions to keep it in motion. A large portion of this expense is occasioned in consequence of the hundreds of tons of printed specches and useless documents carried

free under the franks of members of Congress. The mail has frequently carried, free, books sometimes bought by Congress, as large as our largest Bibles, and often put up in light pine boxes to protect them. This abuse of the mails costs millions annually, and is not authorized under the power "To establish post-offices and post-roads." More than one-half of the expenses of the PostOffice Department are occasioned by what is outside of its legitimate duties.

7. Congress, without authority, has established an Agricultural Bureau, which is worse than useless-for neither its seeds, information, nor opinions are reliable-which costs an immense sum: first, in buying and distributing seeds almost exclusively to officials and favorites, and then in preparing, printing, and distributing useless volumes. Other bureaus, like that of education, statistics, etc., will prove to be equally useless to the Government and the people, because they cannot, by possibility, be reliable and safe to act upon. All these things have high-sounding names, hold out great promises, and may aid some in electioneering, but will prove worse than useless in legislation. These bureaus have no authority in the Constitution.

8. The millions of speeches and political pamphlets folded at the expense of the Government and sent through the mails, at a heavy cost, to influence the elections, occasion a very heavy outlay. And as each side fires about the same quantity of these paper bullets, neither gains much advantage by it, while the Government loses, and the Washington press profits by a patronage to which the home press is more entitled. These expenses are wholly unauthorized by the Constitution.

9. The book and newspaper business, by which members are supplied with volumes of books, and bound and unbound newspapers for home consumption, costs the Government annually very large sums of money. These are not used as aids in legislation, but are variously disposed of, including exchanging for lawbooks. There can be no justification for these expenses. They are unconstitutional.

10. The published accounts show an immense list of articles which are not used in legislation, and cannot be lawfully obtained

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by members. The Senate expenses show these items, such as сосоа mats, damask towels, bathing-towels, combs, soap, alcohol, feather dusters, sponges, hair-brushes, blank-books, memorandum-books, card-cases, pocket-books, match-boxes, taper-candlesticks, matches, shears, scissors, corkscrews, thermometers, key-rings, gold pens and cases, tooth-picks, diaries, pin-cushions, medicated paper, chamois-skins, cloth-brushes, flesh-brushes, fans, kid gloves, yards of silk, washing-soda, olive-oil, bay rum, gum-camphor, geraniumoil, toilet-powder, pomade, razors, clocks, lemon-squeezers, lemons, sugar, brass-bound buckets, bath-tubs, curry-combs, Tribune Almanacs, Colton's Atlas," etc., etc. This list might be extended, while the quantities of some articles are very large.

11. Travelling committees of Congress, wandering about the country hunting for sin committed by some one, have cost, within a few years, millions of dollars, including the printing of their reported scandal, all of which have in view, not legislation, but the manufacture of political capital for those whose principles and conduct have furnished so little to be safely relied These things are not within the spirit and intention of the Constitution. They are not only in gross violation of it, but they are no less than insulting imputations upon the people.

upon.

The House has not permitted the Senate to outstrip it in extravagance. The Clerk makes and publishes his account concerning "stationery" and "incidental expenses" of the House. It makes a volume of 231 pages, not a page of which is footed up so that the aggregate of these expenses can be ascertained without many days' hard labor. There is more "stationery and more "envelopes " mentioned in this report than the House could legitimately use in ten years. The Government pays for "gloves" at a rate that will allow each member several pairs. The report shows 1,039 inkstands, 2,726 penknives, 726 gold pens, and 527 portemonnaies. Under the head of stationery are hair-brushes, nail-brushes, toilet-soap, Martinique snuff by the dozen bottles, corkscrews, visiting-cards, paper collars, and cuffs. Under the same head are charges for coffee-urns, saucepans, broilers, flour-sifters, and fish-kettles, key-rings, pocketbooks, scissors, chamois-skins, rubber-bands, sponge-cups, mo