of the country demand a tariff as fair and just as the wisdom of intelligent and honest men can make it, and that it remain unchanged. If the exigencies of the revenue should demand more or less revenue, the tariff can be made to conform to the wants of the Treasury by adding or diminishing by a certain percentage, and let that be done by those administering the Government, only when the necessity is upon us, and for a specified period, leaving the people to adapt themselves and their business to the requirements of the permanent law.

This tariff system has other attendant evils. It lies at the foundation of sectional discontent, and, whether the sole or true cause or not, the consequences in endangering the Union are the same. When a man believes himself aggrieved by the act of another, his unhappiness is the same, whether his belief is true or false. In legislation, we should not only avoid all wrong, but such acts as those interested and associated with us may deem the source of wrong. The tariff of 1828, based upon the principles which we have condemned, caused the South, not only to complain, but portions of it to resort to nullification as a remedy-a remedy far worse than the disease. While justly bidding defiance to nullification, Congress, by the Compromise Tariff Act of March 2d, 1833, conceded the wrong. But this act rested upon a wrong basis. It provided biennial deductions until no article should pay over twenty per cent. duty, thus committing an error, which, in 1842, left the Government without the means to meet its expenses, and, but for the self-sacrificing efforts of Silas Wright, Mr. Tyler's administration would have been broken down, and the country, at home and abroad, utterly disgraced. Legislators should reflect that it is less their duty to bring numbers to bear in imposing taxes, than in so regulating them as to promote the welfare and happiness of all the people. Those who believe themselves oppressed will speak, and show their discontent, and discontent will produce weakness in the Government and unhappiness among the people, who have a right to expect that the Constitution will be so administered as to promote their happiness. Although Shay's Rebellion in Massachusetts, the Whisky Insurrection in Pennsylvania, and nullification in South Carolinia, had no good ground

to stand upon, they created as much unhappiness and mischief as if they had just causes of complaint. It is far better to leave power unexercised than to resort to that which is unauthorized or doubtful under the Constitution.

85.-JOHN A. DIX.

The name of General Dix is familiar to the American ear, and is always spoken with respect. He was born at Boscawen, in New Hampshire, July 24, 1798. He received a limited education in his native State; but, before he was fourteen, joined his father in Maryland, who was performing the duties of commandant at Annapolis, and acted as his clerk, in the recruiting service. He was soon after appointed an ensign, and accompanied Wilkinson on an expedition down the St. Lawrence, when his father died near Chrystler's Fields, below Prescott, in Canada. He remained in the army, and rose to the rank of captain; and, after the close of the war, on the recommendation of that close observer, the late General Roger Jones, was selected (in 1819) by General Jacob Brown as one of his aides, to assist him as the Commanding General of the Army. General Brown, becoming physically disabled, his duties were mainly performed by Captain Dix. On the death of General Brown, he drew up for the War Department the general order to the army, which is a production worthy of the best pen of the country, being at once accurately descriptive of his chief, his great powers and ready resources, and, at the same time, paying his memory a beautiful and feeling compliment. Captain Dix, while sojourning with General Brown at Brownville, studied law, and was subsequently admitted to practice. He was, for a time, in charge at Fortress Monroe, but resigned, and settled in Cooperstown, New York, in the practice of the law, and as a land-agent. Soon after, Governor Throop, appreciating the man and his qualifications, made him AdjutantGeneral of New York. Two years after he was made Secretary of State, and, as such, had charge of the common schools of the State as superintendent. In this place he rendered most important service, and reduced the common-school system to order. In 1842 he was elected to the Assembly from Albany county,

and aided, by his active influence, to establish the Conservative policy of that period.

In the winter of 1845 he was elected to fill the vacancy in the Senate of the United States, occasioned by the resignation of Silas Wright, who had become governor, which office he filled until the 4th of March, 1849, when he was succeeded by William H. Seward. While in the Senate, he was Chairman of the Committee on Commerce, and was also the Acting Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs. Several highly important commercial and financial bills were reported by him, which were passed, and became, and still remain, laws. His speeches in the Senate were confined to business matters, and were remarkable for their clearness, force, and pertinency.

During Mr. Pierce's administration, he consented to accept the office of Assistant-Treasurer at the city of New York. But the duties were so arduous and confining-he always attending to them in person, and examining every day the accounts, and carrying the keys himself-that he soon resigned.

Toward the close of Mr. Buchanan's administration, the Treasury Department became considerably embarrassed for want of money. On the resignation of Mr. Thomas, the President appointed General Dix as Secretary of the Treasury. This was a wise and fortunate appointment. Capitalists had great confidence in the new secretary, and readily supplied all the money the Government needed. His previous familiarity with the affairs of the Federal Government enabled him to master the affairs of the department in a very short time. When he left it on the 4th of March, 1861, its business was in excellent condition. It was in this department that his strong Union feeling was developed. It was here he made the celebrated order, "If any man attempts to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the spot," an order designed to protect the Stars and Stripes on board of the reve nue cutters, which were under his control ass ecretary. It was the ring of the true metal, and electrified all classes of men not secessionists. He was in the department sufficiently long to manifest a superior capacity as an executive officer, and to win the confidence and esteem of President Buchanan and the country.

In 1848, while yet in the Senate, much against his own wishes, as the writer knows, he was nominated for Governor of New York, on the Van Buren, or anti-Cass, ticket. The Democratic party being divided, he was of course defeated. In his letter of acceptance of this nomination, he fully avowed the principles of the Democratic party. His course has been such, that this act has not impaired his standing with the Democratic party. No one is more thoroughly attached to Democratic principles, both in theory and in practice.

When the recent war was commenced, New York brought him forward as a suitable person for military command. He was made a major-general of volunteers. General Scott, then at the head of the army, telegraphed him to come to Washington, to take a command on the Virginia side of the Potomac. On his arrival, he was most cordially received by the veteran hero, and was informed that his command would be between Georgetown and Alexandria, "nearest the enemy."

The Secretary of War (Cameron) received him with cold courtesy, without consulting with him at all.

Without any explanation this command was given to General McDowell. When General Patterson's term of service expired, it was expected General Dix would be given the command at Harper's Ferry. But General Banks, who found the duties at Maryland unpleasant, and wished to achieve military glory, was sent there, and General Dix ordered to the command of Maryland. Nearly a month passed before he was offered any command, which so annoyed and disgusted his friends, that they advised him to resign and return home. Others, and among them the writer, advised otherwise, and he remained. The duties assigned him in Maryland were more of a police than of a military character. Such as they were, he performed them to the satisfaction of every one. He so far restored patriotic feeling there that the State gave 30,000 Union majority in November, 1861. He organized the expedition which restored Eastern Virginia to her former loyal relations. When these duties were performed he was ordered to the command of Fortress Monroe, a colonel's command, against his carnest remonstrance. He applied to the President for command at

Charleston, it was riteL Afer General McClellan retired from Vinfinia and took command at Antiktm, General Dix comman led severd military enterprises, with he was not permitted to complete. President Linea cffired him General Butler's in command at New Orleans, which he accepted verbally. But no order ever came, General Banks being sent to relieve General Butler, and General Dix ordered to New York, at the time of the riots, and to perform little bat police duties. The suppression of newspapers and the arrest of their editors do not seem to be the legitimate duties of a soldier. Against his wishes and advice he was compelled to lay violent hands upon the Journal of Commerce and The World, for publishing what came to them as ordinary telegraphic dispatches, anticipating news. They were forgeries, by a republican friend of the Administration. In these things he merely obeyed orders from his superiors at Washington. Throughout the war General Dix manifested the patience and resignation of a martyr. He served his country faithfully and well in the positions assigned him. No one could have done so better. But his superior abilities and great experience entitled him to the highest commands. General Scott thought he should be assigned to his place when he retired from active duties. But his place was given to General McClellan, who was equal to its duties, and soon taken from him to prevent his rising too fast in the estimation of his countrymen.

Why this remarkable treatment of General Dix? Why compel him to perform mostly odious and painful services, instead of giving him a high and active command in the field, where his experience, knowledge, and capacity would have been of great service to the country? Why ignore him, and take such men as McDowell, Banks, Popc, Hooker, Meade, Burnside, and others who had fewer qualifications? The answer is at hand. When in the Senate of the United States, General Dix's high character, talents, and experience became known throughout the Union, as it had been for a long time in New York. His name, in various quarters, had been associated with the office of President. Although there was no organized party in his favor, a large number of Democrats preferred his nomination in 1860. Had he been then