8. That the separation of the moneys of the Government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the Government and the rights of the people.

9. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the Constitution, which make ours the land of liberty, and the asylum of the oppressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the Democratic faith; and every attempt to abridge the present privilege of becoming citizens and the owners of soil among us ought to be resisted with the same spirit which swept the Alien and Sedition Laws from our statute-book.

The adversaries of Mr. Van Buren took the opposite side of the questions to which these nine resolutions pointed in practice, and in the shape of addresses and resolves as to nearly all of them. The resolutions pointed out the consequences which would flow from the opposite policy. By not conforming to the principles of the resolution against national banks, we have now eighteen hundred such banks; and by not honestly and firmly resisting the intermeddlings of the abolitionists in the affairs of the Southern States, we, besides destroying half a million of lives, have on our shoulders a public debt of more than three thousand millions of dollars, to say nothing of municipal and State debts, a divided Union, and a demoralized people, who are taxed beyond their abil ity to bear, simply to support the Government and pay interest.

Mr. Van Buren cordially approved of these resolutions, as the Democrats did everywhere. But it was impossible to resist the combined influences brought against him. Since 1840 the Democrats have elected three Presidents, each openly avowing that he approved of the principles put forth in the foregoing resolutions. Although the questions before the public at the time were different in form, the principles there involved were the same as at the present time. The constitutional principles then declared as necessary for the protection and prosperity of the people are identical with those now under discussion before the people. The line of policy then suggested as wisest and best to be pursued is the same as now urged by the Democracy. The Democratic party have ever recognized the binding effect of the principles

thus avowed in 1840, and the anti-Democratic party, by whatever name they may be known, have ever practically opposed them, if not in authoritative public avowal.

84.-TARIFF DUTIES ON FOREIGN IMPORTATIONS.

The Constitution expressly authorizes Congress to lay and collect duties, "to pay the debts, and to provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States, but all duties shall be uniform throughout the United States." The power and object are indisputable. There is no room for cavil or argument. There is nothing left to form the basis of a question in the ordinary and honest mind. Money for the Treasury, for particular uses, is the express and only object, the collection of which may collaterally affect other things. Incidentally, duties raise prices to the extent they are imposed, and so far our own productions are increased in price, giving them thus an incidental advantage, which necessary follows. For more than half a century, there has been a struggle on the part of domestic producers to give the incident the place of the principal object. Such a course, in fact, is equivalent to making and collecting a general tax to favor particular interests.

In 1783 the Congress of the Confederation established a tariff of duties, and in 1789 Mr. Madison, under the new Government, proposed the same, which consisted of the following items on which he proposed specific duties, the amount being left blank:-On rum, -; on spirituous liquors,

; on mo

lasses, -; on madeira wine, -; on all other wines, on common bohea teas, -; on all other teas,

per, ; on brown sugars,

other sugars,

; on loaf sugars,

; on pep

;

; on all

-; on cocoa and coffee, ; on all other articles, per-cent. on their value at the time and place of importation. Such was the beginning of our tariffs, which are now swollen to pages upon pages, and are nearly as unstable as the winds. They do not remain at one point long enough for the business of the country to accommodate itself to them, as it would in time. These perpetual changes are profitable to the few and ruinous to the many. There have been over fifty laws enacted in

relation to duties on importations. When changes are sought for the benefit of a class, their extent is determined by the number and extent necessary to secure votes to make them. Sectional and local interests are attended to, or overlooked, as this necessity shall dictate. Interest, and not principle, determines what shall be done. If votes from Louisiana and Texas are needed, sugar will come in for favor. If support is needed from Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Michigan, lead, copper, and pine lumber are provided for. If the votes of Pennsylvania are wanted, coal and iron receive full attention. If help is wanted from Vermont and certain Western States, wool and butter are cared for. If the votes of New England are needed, ship-building and manufactures. are the objects of favor. If support is desired from Missouri and Kentucky, hemp must not be overlooked. The principle of protection under a tariff never expands beyond the objects necessary to carry a bill. In form, these bills contain most ample encouragement on articles like hay, grain, and cotton, where there can be no competition by importation. In such cases, whether the duties are on, or off, can make no possible difference in the price. All such pretences of protection are delusive cheats, and are only intended to prevent discussion and stifle complaint. While the Constitution declares expressly the object of tariff duties, no other can supersede or exclude that object. It is legally impossible that there should be express and implied objects on the same subject, under the Constitution. The former necessarily excludes the latter; and this is the more clear when the implied one conflicts with that which is express. If duties, higher than the necessities of the Treasury require, are imposed for the benefit of one class, they must be paid by those who do not receive protection. Under the high-tariff theory, a clause in the Constitution, for raising revenue by duties on importation, imposes, in legal effect, two distinct taxes: one for the Treasury, and another for a class engaged in particular branches of business, by way of protection. In other words, under a clause which declares duties shall be equal in all parts of the United States, there shall be two taxes, one direct, for the Government, and the other indirect, upon one class of people, for the exclusive benefit of another. The

Constitution gives no countenance to any such construction. All it demands is duties to pay debts, and for common defence and general welfare-not the welfare of a class, or a section of the country. There is no rational pretence of authority to enable one class of the community to lay and collect duties of another class. If equal justice were extended to all, tariffs would never be demanded. Aside from the Constitution and its restraints, legislation which could impose two taxes upon one part of the community, and but one on the other, can have no justification. It would be in conflict with the principle of equal rights, upon which our Government rests, and without which we can never live in harmony and quiet, and enjoy prosperity.

Although the tendency of protective duties is in favor of making us dependent only upon ourselves for supplies, it can never fully accomplish that purpose, because the larger number of articles we use can only be obtained abroad. But any such assumed independence has its accompanying evil of great magnitude. It tends to destroy our commerce and our commercial marine, from which our navy is supplied with bold and stout-hearted sailors. Besides, it deprives us of markets abroad for our productions, in exchange for which we receive foreign productions. Few nations become buyers when they are not also sellers. It is impossible that any nation could long do this. Commerce carries abroad the products which we can spare, and brings others in return which we need. This gives employment to ship-builders, seamen, and merchants. The nations of the earth will neither know nor respect us if we have no commerce. If we have none to aid and protect, our navy would, of necessity, disappear from the seas, as no longer of practical use. If we lock ourselves up as self-depend ent, and cease to be largely buyers and sellers, our Treasury would soon collapse, and increased internal taxes must be imposed to pay debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare. Commerce is the great civilizer, and teaches us the improvements made throughout the world. Any policy which fails to place agriculture and commerce on as favorable a footing as any other interest is unconstitutional, and cannot long continue without the most ruinous consequences. The true rule is, equal and

The Constitution

exact justice to all, and special favors to none. means this, and sound policy demands it. There must be a true principle in framing tariffs as well as other laws, and this principle cannot be a vibrating or changing one. It is always applicable. If duties are too low, the receipts to the Treasury will be too small, and if so high as to be prohibitory, the effect will be the same. That rate should be adopted which will produce the largest amount of necessary revenue, taxing only a limited number of articles, and including in the free list as many of the absolute and common necessaries of life as the wants of the Treasury will permit. Such rates can be arrived at with tolerable certainty, by a diligent comparison of our commercial and financial tables. In such examinations the original and complete statistics should be examined and relied upon, without reference to compilations and reports, which are often so framed as to lead the mind to a desired conclusion. Clerks in departments have been furnished with propositions, and directed to make compilations of statistics to sustain them. In Congress, we see many compilations made, not for the purpose of developing truth, but to sustain one side of a question, and by these the country is misled.

A careful examination of the tariffs passed in this country will show that local and sectional interests have exercised a preponderating influence in their passage-that the masses paying duties beyond those imposed for revenue receive no protection in fact, if they even do so as a mere matter of form. Most of them have been used, more or less, as instruments with reference to elections, mostly for President and Vice-President. When such motives prevail, wise and just legislation cannot be expected, and seldom occurs. When principles cease to be our guide, we never go right; and, when we follow self-interest, we always go wrong.

Upon the principles for which we contend, no such legislation as described can be based. It has neither equality, justice, nor constitutional authority to support it. It is anti-Democratic in its whole length and breadth. It practically gives a few localities, and especially New England, more advantages than are enjoyed by all the rest of the Union; and still, like "Oliver Twist," they are continually crying for "more." The true interests of all parts