75.-THOMAS H. BENTON.

Colonel Benton made his mark in American history, and his name is widely known to the world. Though some, who did not know him well, charged him with being dogmatical, no one has ever had the hardihood to accuse him of dishonesty or suggested that his motives were selfish. He labored hard in his investigations, formed opinions for himself, and maintained them with firmness and ability. They were honest opinions, and conscientiously and manfully defended, whoever might assail them. He was born in North Carolina in 1782, and died at Washington in 1858. His education was originally imperfect, but liberally supplied in after-years by his own exertions. His father dying when he was quite young, his mother removed to Tennessee, and occupied lands he had left his family. Here young Benton studied law, and commenced practice. While thus employed, he became one of General Jackson's staff in the militia, with the rank of colonel, which title he always retained. In the War of 1812 he served in a volunteer regiment under General Jackson, and when that was disbanded, President Madison commissioned him a lieutenantcolonel in the army, but, before reaching his regiment in Canada, peace rendered his services unnecessary and he resigned, and went to St. Louis to reside, where he devoted himself to his profession. He thoroughly identified himself with the interests of the West, and became their leading and most prominent advocate. He was elected a Senator in Congress by the Legislature of Missouri, but, owing to difficulties concerning her admission, he did not take his seat until 1821, after which he served continuously in the Senate for thirty years, until 1851, and subsequently two years in the House from the St. Louis district. After his retirement from Congress he devoted himself principally to the production and publication of two great works-"Thirty Years in the United States Senate," and an "Abridgment of the Debates in Con.gress." The latter he had hardly completed when he died.

Colonel Benton possessed a powerful frame, enjoyed excellent health, had a vigorous intellect, and a memory of wonderful tenacity and accuracy. He could endure as great an amount of labor

as any other person: and then, when my pressing emergency seemed to him to require in contented himself with eny fem two to four hours of rest and sleep in twenty-foam With his reten tive memory, and such persevering industry, he was seldom found wanting in complete preparation to meet and discuss any question that arose. After making an of hand speech, he has been known to report it himself verbafia, without changing a word in his manuscript. His great devotion to business was often mistaken for coldness or haughty reserve. He never stooped to petty expedients to carry a point. He deemed his publicly-expressed reasons as quite sufficient to satisfy the minds of others why he acted. He often moved measures alone when others would not or dared not follow, and time usually proved him to be right,

When he believed himself right he did not hesitate to move, even alone, as in the case of his first attack on the Bank of the United States. This proves, that he was far more devoted to principle than to expediency and policy. He seldom quoted the authority of names, relying more upon reasoning and illustrations from history. He was remarkable for self-possession, and the fearlessness with which he spoke and voted. He was a fast friend and a vigorous opponent, whom few wished to encounter. was no friend of needless forms and ceremonies, but always adhered to such etiquette as he believed necessary to support the dignity of his senatorial position. As members of the Cabinet could not become such without the consent of the Senate, and as foreign ministers did not rank above them, he never made the first call upon either, except when business demanded it.

No Senator was ever more familiar with our public affairs, or was more felt in their discussion. He did not sustain President Adams during his administration, but he gave General Jackson, Mr. Van Buren, and Mr. Polk most hearty support. He headed those who resisted the efforts of the Bank of the United States to obtain a recharter, and defended with irresistible force General Jackson's vetoes, removal of the deposits, and Specie Circular. He united cordially with Silas Wright in his efforts to establish our Treasury upon a solid basis, and to divorce the State from banks, as recommended by Mr. Van Buren. He resisted both the first

and last distribution schemes, and predicted their disastrous results. He was faithful in his support of all Democratic measures. The offer to place our army under his general direction during the Mexican War was wisely declined. The post of his greatest usefulness was elsewhere, while, if at the head of the army, it was liable soon to become disorganized and diminished in energy and usefulness.

Colonel Benton took strong ground against nullification, and made some of his greatest efforts to sustain the cause of the Union against that heresy. His steel was so much felt by Mr. Calhoun, that he never forgave or afterward associated with him. Having, at an early day, examined our rights to Oregon and their extent, when the question of its boundary arose, he took ground for the line of 49° instead of 54° 40', and carried the country with him. He took strong ground against what he called the "trick," in the annexation of Texas, and firmly opposed Mr. Douglas's amended bill, repealing the Missouri Compromise. He predicted where the matter would end. Colonel Benton was honest, sincere, and fearless in his political views, always regretting a difference of opinion with friends. The great efforts of his life were designed to secure to the masses that protection and independence which the Constitution intended to secure to them. His invectives against those who sought to use the Government as a machine to make money, or promote private ends, were terrible. He believed in and defended equality of rights and burdens, and always set his face like steel against class legislation, so often pressed for the benefit of the few. To defend the right, there was no hazard too great for him to run. He was most efficient in his efforts to restore and continue gold as a currency, and the country was indebted to him more than to any other man for our having enjoyed this constitutional measure of values for a quarter of a century. He was a firm opponent of sectionalism, from the time it sought to prevent Missouri coming into the Union to the end of his life. He always feared it would end in destroying the Union. The memory of Colonel Benton will ever be cherished as one of the most firm, consistent, and useful Democrats of his day. Christening him as "Old Bullion" tends to strengthen the attachment of the Democracy for him.

76.—DISTRIBUTION OF THE PUBLIC LANDS, AND LAND SALES.

Since the establishment of the Government there has seldom been a time when some politician, or political party, has not been engaged in fostering or executing plans to secure improved position by the use or management of our public resources. It is a strong element among the anti-democratic principles. From the organization of the Western States, down to near the present time, there have been large bodies of public lands within their limits; while, at the same time, these States have exercised an important, if not a preponderant influence in presidential elections. Hence, whoever secured the support of these States, entered the presidential contest with a respectable capital. It will, therefore, disappoint no one to learn that there have been numerous efforts made to secure their good-will. During the last year of General Jackson's administration, Mr. Calhoun brought forward a plan for the cession of all the public lands to the States in which they lay, to be sold by them at graduated prices, extending over a term of thirty-five years-the States to bear the expenses, and to pay over to the General Government a third of their receipts. This proposition was denounced by the friends of General Jackson as a palpable bid for Western and Southern support for the presidency, and, on coming to a vote, received only the vote of Mr. Calhoun and five others.

When the Whigs brought forward their measure for distributing the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, Mr. Calhoun again brought forward his measure of ceding the public lands to the States in which they lay, to be sold, and a portion of the proceeds paid over to the national Government, but without success.

The general distribution of 1836 having proved so unfortunate, a different one was proposed by the Whigs, based upon the same motives concerning the vote of the Western States that had been manifested by Mr. Calhoun. It was for the Federal Government to sell the public lands, and pay over to Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Alabama, Missouri, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Michigan ten per cent. of the net proceeds, and the residue to be divided among all the States, including these. These provisions.

1835-236, and added fuel to increase their burning. The surplus on hand became large, and the question arose, "How shall it be disposed of?" General Jackson preferred that it should be used in fortifications, in favor of which, General Cass, Secretary of War, made an able report. Some desired to improve the navigation of rivers and harbors, while not a few desired the Government to construct new harbors in aid of their speculations. But nothing definite was agreed upon.

In June, 1836, a bill establishing a system of depositing public moneys in State banks was before Congress. Sections, directing a distribution among the States, in form of deposits with the States, were proposed, under which the sovereign States apparently became the agents and money-keeping servants of the national Government. The provision covered all the moneys then on hand but five million dollars. The writer moved to except from the operation of the bill the money already appropriated, and sustained his views in a short speech. On this amendment, Mr. Hamer, from Ohio, demanded the yeas and nays, which were refused, and the proposed amendment was rejected.

The bill passed the Senate on the 18th of June, 1836, by yeas 40, and nays 6-Benton, Black, Cuthburt, Grundy, Walker, and Wright. It passed the House on the 22d of June-yeas, 155, nays 38. Fourteen of the latter were from New York, including the writer, and two from New Hampshire, including ex-President Pierce.

Undoubtedly some members believed that this was a real deposit act and that the States would consent to become deposit agents, and upon no other ground can many votes be accounted for. But that such was not the object, and that the States so understood it, cannot now be questioned. Some States refused to receive, others distributed per capita, and others applied the amount received in different ways. No interest was to be paid for the deposit, which has not to this day been called for, and no one expects it ever will be. New York added her share of this distribution to her common-school fund, applying the interest derived to the use of common schools.

It is possible that Congress thought that the then twenty-five