Two months passed after the Baltimore nominations, and the third month was well on toward completion, before the socalled Democratic Opposition began to contemplate in earnest the work of preparation for the canvass. Faction and discontent were doubtless hoped to be doing more for the defeat of Lincoln and Johnson, than could be accomplished by direct and energetic opposition. Fremont was still a candidate. The German Republican voters were reported to be every-where hostile to Mr. Lincoln. Grant was still before Petersburg, after fruitless mining and disappointing losses. Farragut had captured Fort Gaines, but Mobile still held out against both Navy and Army. Sherman was still at bay before Atlanta. What remained now but for an exultant Democracy—with its Vallandigham returned from across the border, and his place in Canada supplied by a bevy of Confederates giving aid and comfort to name its candidates, make up its issues, and stride directly to the high places of power? Emboldened by the seeming divisions of the Republicans, cheered by the lack of decisive and final Union victories, to reconcile the country to heavy losses of life and treasure, the Peace Democrats were growing more and more determined in asserting the prerogative of leaders and dictators. Their compact organization and the favoritism of the multitude for the "victims" who had suffered for defiant attempts to arrest the war, gave them an advantage over the probably more numerous leaders who not only believed the war should be sustained, but also thought the nominations and platform should, from policy, have a decided leaning toward "coercion,"

The Democratic Convention met on the day last fixedAugust 29. It presented the name of George B. McClellan for President, and of George H. Pendleton for Vice-President. The former nomination was esteemed so decided a concession to the War Democracy-having encountered some opposition from such Democrats (: as B. G. Harris, the "unworthy " Congressman from Maryland, a delegate to the Conventionthat the nomination for Vice-President was conferred upon an unequivocal Peace Democrat, and the resolutions, or platform, were made very explicit on the "failure" of the war, and in

demanding "that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities." The entire " The entire "Chicago Platform," (Democratic, 1864,) is as follows:

Resolved, That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere with unswerving fidelity to the Union under the Constitution, as the only solid foundation of our strength, security, and happiness as a people, and as a framework of government equally conducive to the welfare and prosperity of all the States, both Northern and Southern.

Resolved, That this Convention does explicitly declare, as the sense of the American People, that, after four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretense of a military necessity of a war power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and privateright alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare, demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate Convention of all the States, or other peaceable means to the end that at the earliest practicable moment peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal Union of the States.

Resolved, That the direct interference of the military authority of the United States in the recent elections held in Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri and Delaware, was a shameful violation of the Constitution, and the repetition of such acts in the approaching election will be held as revolutionary, and resisted with all the means and power under our control.

Resolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to preserve the Federal Union and the rights of the States unimpaired; and they hereby declare that they consider the administrative usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by the Constitution, the subversion of the civil by military law in States not in insurrection, the arbitrary military arrest, imprisonment trial and sentence of American citizens in States where civil law exists in full force, the suppression of freedom of speech and of the press, the denial of the right of asylum, the open and avowed disregard of State rights, the employment of unusual test-oaths, and the interference with and denial of the right of the people to bear arms, as calculated to prevent a restoration of the Union and the perpetuation of a government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed.

Resolved, That the shameful disregard of the Administra

tion to its duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who now and long have been prisoners of war in a suffering condition, deserves the severest reprobation, on the score alike of public interest and common humanity.

Resolved, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is heartily and carnestly extended to the soldiery of our army, who are and have been in the field under the flag of our country; and in the event of our attaining power, they will receive all the care and protection, regard and kindness, that the brave soldiers of the Republic have so nobly earned.

The nomination of Gen. McClellan had been a foregone conclusion from the first. There were dreams, for a time, that Gen. Fremont, or an active War Democrat, like Gen. Dix, might be taken as the candidate, for the sake of uniting all elements of opposition in a grand effort to defeat Mr. Lincoln. But the visionary notion was not entertained for a moment by Belmont and his associates. Their hopes were firmly fixed on McClellan. Democrats like the New York Woods, denouncing the war altogether, manifested delicate scruples in regard to "epauletted gentlemen;" and Maryland Secessionists indignantly remembered the arbitrary arrests made in their State by the Peninsular hero; but it was not doubted that these objections would promptly enough disappear before the magic power of a regular nomination. And so it was. Mutterings of discontent were momentarily heard, only in quarters where such responses were preferable to warm support. Candidates and platform were accepted by the united Democracy, and the canvass at length actually opened.

On the Administration side, the issue was joined, with prospects immediately brightened. There was now an organized opponent to meet, and he had presented himself in an attitude that promised an advantage to the supporters of Mr. Lincoln. Dissension, and factious opposition speedily disappeared. More cheering news began to come from our armies, and the affectionate confidence of the great majority of the loyal people in Abraham Lincoln manifested itself more and more clearly as the day of election approached.

The action of the Border States in adapting themselves to the new order of things, never failed to interest the President;

who, at an earlier day, had earnestly endeavored to impress upon the Representatives of those States, the expediency of prompt measures in preparation for the inevitable event of emancipation. It was not many days after the adjournment of the Baltimore Convention, that the delegates of the people of Maryland decided upon abolishing slavery in that State; subject only to the test of a popular vote, to be taken a few months later. The State Convention of Maryland consummated this action, bringing the issue directly before the people for their full deliberation and ultimate action, on the 24th day of June.

In the State of Louisiana, a new Constitution prohibiting slavery was adopted by a State Convention, duly chosen by the loyal people, on the 22d day of July.

All the great champions of freedom were near to the affections of Mr. Lincoln, but no one of them was, perhaps, more personally endeared to him than the late Owen Lovejoy, his intimate friend for many years. No one, on the other hand, had a more earnest, loving confidence in the President during all his trials, and not the least when he was assailed by men who questioned his "radicalism." In one of the last speeches ever made by Mr. Lovejoy to any public assembly, not many months before his death, he defended the President from such attacks, and warmed into a heartfelt eulogy of his friend, such as brought tears to many eyes, and will long be remembered by those who listened. All complaint, for the time, was henceforth silenced. "On a recent occasion," said Mr Lovejoy, illustrating the high and unselfish motives which controlled all the President's actions, "I ventured, in the freedom of our private intercourse, to speak of the temptations besetting a man in his exalted position, with such patronage and power in his hands, and to counsel him to rise above all regard to or thought of perpetuating his power by a reelection, adhering firmly to the higher plane of simple duty. With characteristic earnestness of tone and expression, the President replied: 'If I know my own heart, Mr. Lovejoy, I can assure you that it does not cost me an effort so to do.' That answer, gentlemen, I firmly believe to have been given in honest truth. That

great heart is incorruptible, and constantly lives in the pure, high region into which false motive and selfish scheming never come."

The death of Mr. Lovejoy was mourned by Mr. Lincoln as that of a dear friend. When a meeting was to be held in the former home of the deceased veteran in the cause of liberty, to take measures for the erection of a monument to his memory, the President was invited to be present. This being impossible, he sent the following letter:

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EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, May 30, 1864. HON. JOHN H. BRYANT.-My Dear Sir: Yours of th 14th inst., inclosing a card of invitation to a preliminary meeting contemplating the erection of a monument to the memory of Hon. Owen Lovejoy, was duly received. As you anticipate, it will be out of my power to attend. Many of you have known Mr. Lovejoy longer than I have, and are better able than I to do his memory justice. My personal acquaintance with him commenced only about ten years ago, since when it has been quite intimate; and every step in it has been one of increasing respect and esteem, ending with his life, in no less affection on my part. It can be truly said of him, that, while he was personally ambitious, he bravely endured the obscurity which the unpopularity of his principles imposed, and never accepted official honors until those honors were ready to admit his principles with him. Throughout my heavy and perplexing responsibilities here to the day of his death, it would scarcely wrong any other to say he was my most generous friend. Let him have the marble monument, along with the well-assured and more endearing one in the hearts of those who love liberty unselfishly for all men.

Yours, truly,

A. LINCOLN.

From the time Mr. Stanton succeeded Mr. Cameron as Secretary of War, on the 11th of January, 1862, until this summer, only one change had occurred in the Cabinet of President Lincoln-that occasioned by the appointment of Secretary Smith as Judge of the District Court of Indiana, who was succeeded by Hon. John P. Usher, of the same State, on the 8th of January, 1863. Several months previous, on account of opposition manifested by a number of Senators, Mr. Seward had